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A Turkish hotel that hosts all Syria’s pains and memories

Amal Hanano

Jul 4, 2013

The town of Reyhanli is the Turkish capital for revolutionary activities in northern Syria, and the Hotel Ali Ce is the heart of those operations. Here the abstract concept of “regional spillover,” so popular in analytical articles about Syria, becomes real and personal. The hotel was once a safe haven, as was the town. But now Syria’s violence touches everyone you meet, from the concierge to the guests.

Unlike the lavish hotels that the Syrian political opposition has become accustomed to, the pink and yellow Ali Ce building on the main Reyhanli road is not known for luxury. It is almost impossible to make a reliable reservation, they don’t take credit cards, their showers are extremely moody and you have to ask for your room to be cleaned.

But from morning till well past midnight, dozens of characters gather around the white plastic tables: FSA fighters and generals, aid workers, activists, journalists, Syrian expatriates and refugees and weapons dealers. Once a sleepy hotel in a sleepy town, the Ali Ce has witnessed it all: tortured prisoners, strategic political meetings, secret weapons deals and scandalous stories: “What happens in the Ali Ce, stays in the Ali Ce”.

The out-of-touch political opposition, a world away in Istanbul, is forgotten and ignored here. The connection to Syria and the Syrian people is tangible in border towns like Reyhanli and Killis. Reyhanli’s population has doubled to 60,000 since the revolution began. The town suffered deadly twin car bombings in May but concrete apartment buildings are sprouting up everywhere and the local economy is booming. The fact that the Syrian tragedy is behind this growth is never forgotten.

On my first night, bleary, jet-lagged and relieved that I had a room, I took some dollars from my wallet to tip Mohammed, who had lugged my bags. I was surprised when he refused to take the money, saying with pride “I don’t want your money. I am Syrian”. I learnt later that he had been tortured in one of Bashar Al Assad’s prisons for a year and a half.

Later I opened the window – there was a distant view of olive-trees on Syrian hills, and listened to the morning athan. Everything about this place reminded me of Syria. Sadly, Reyhanli had not been spared my country’s misery. Women and children begged for money on the street, in Arabic.

At Galaxy, a fast-food restaurant, Syrian-style chicken with white garlic sauce was our group’s favourite meal. When I complained that food was much better in Antakya, my friend joked: “Wait 10 years, you’ll eat here like you used to in Aleppo.” We did not laugh.

The Turkish people we interacted with were sources of protection and loyalty. Ahmet, our tough driver, had delivered food to his Syrian friends who could not leave the house for days after the car bombings. He claimed he changed his former “sinful” ways after working for the refugees. He said that he used to commit “2,000 sins a day but now only 1,000”. Ahmet suffered a massive heart attack and had bypass surgery during my trip. When we visited him on our last night in his modest home, he told me: “We are one people. One people.”

At Nazli’s, a hairdresser across the street, I learnt that the Turkish mother’s brother-in-law had been killed in the bombings. I was quiet as she moved the brush through my hair and said over and over: “Why the bombs? Why the bombs?”

Moustafa, a Turkish hotel manager, surprised me one night when I walked in after being out for 12 hours: “Where were you? No one stays in the camp that late. I was worried.” I explained we had dinner before coming back to the hotel. He made me promise to let him know every time we came back from Syria.

One Turkish man in particular affected the lives of everyone who crossed into Syria via the Atmeh border. Hussein, a skinny man with a pudding-bowl haircut that made him look like an ageing Beatle, went from holding a boring government job at this remote outpost to becoming one of the most important men in Reyhanli. He is responsible for signing every person in and out of the Atmeh border. Everyone tries to be on his good side to ease entry and exit, which is not easy because of his flaring temper. For instance, if your name were Bashar, he would change it to Bashir, yelling: “I haven’t written the name Bashar in two years and refuse to start doing that now.”

The last day I crossed into Syria, he learnt my personal information by his heart. He asked jokingly without looking up: “So when are you coming back? I hope you’re not staying for a long time.” Surrounded by dozens of people waiting for hours in the heat to get into Syria – some without papers, others separated from their families, each face etched with the same pain of uncertainty – I burst into tears. He consoled me: “I pray for this nightmare to be over every day. I pray for all of these people to go back to their homes. I pray that you will never have to cross into your country from here again.”

Leaving the hotel after 12 nights, the broken shower head, the hard beds and the quilts and carpets on the plastic partition, were all but forgotten as I looked back at the unlikely group that had gathered on the side street to say goodbye, smiling Syrians and Turks wishing us safe travels and safe returns.

I realised we were part of another kind of regional spillover, one that no one writes about, perhaps because they would be accused of “romanticising” the revolution. Or perhaps in the feverish quest to hunt down and write about the revolution’s horrors instead of its hopes, they just had not experienced it. This spillover was real and personal too – a bond between people and that bleeding land that was within hiking distance. A bond of compassion, determination and love.

By every conventional review standard, Ali Ce fails miserably. But it does what only the best hotels can do: it makes you feel at home. When a hotel or a town can make you feel at home, while you have become estranged by force from your real home, that’s just pure magic. And just like in The Eagles’ song, you can check out anytime you like but you can never leave.

Amal Hanano is a pseudonym for a Syrian-American writer

On Twitter: @AmalHanano

No time for tears – Deutsche Welle

This documentary shows how disappointment about the Western policy towards Syria leads to the radicalization of Anwar, a 28-year-old Syrian teacher. For more than a year I have followed the young man to make this movie. He joined an islamist rebel group mainly because of its superior organization and effectiveness compared to the Free Syrian Army.

Jannah Jannah Homs Tribute

Homs the capital of syrian revolution, a city full of history, pain and glory, salute Homs the epic city. for more pictures visit https://www.facebook.com/LensYoungHom…

Burning the Mosques

Qunfuz

Robin Yassin-Kassab

The Umawi mosque in Aleppo has burnt. Its thousand-year-old minaret has fallen. The minaret of Dera‘a’s Omari mosque, built in the seventh Century by Caliph Omar ibn al-Khattab, has been destroyed. And today the Khalid ibn al-Waleed mosque in Homs, built around the mausoleum of the famous Muslim general and companion of the Prophet, was shelled and burnt. These are ancient mosques of enormous significance to Muslims, and they are world heritage. They were. They survived the Mongols, but not Assad.

It’s clear the Western media does not understand the religious, cultural and historical importance of these sites. Assad’s cultural vandalism and civilisational provocations are worse than the Taliban’s assault on the Bamiyan Buddha. Am I wrong to think that an attack by rogue elements of the Syrian resistance on a major Shia shrine would raise a far greater noise?

Many Muslims too are strangely quiet. If the Israelis were to hit a mosque of such vast symbolic resonance, you can bet there’d be furious demonstrations from Casablanca to Jakarta, from London to Lahore.

What’s happening is no secret. The shabeeha write it on the walls: “Al-Assad or We’ll Burn the Country.” The world worries about Islamists, about hypothetical future persecutions, about the chess game between America and Russia, Israel and Iran. Meanwhile the country burns. The people and their history burn. And the flammable poison of sectarian hatred seeps out from Syria, to east and west.

An Ingenious Plan: How the CIA Vets the Syrian Rebels

So the decision has been taken, and the US will start training and arming the Syrian rebels after vetting them in Jordan. Now we all know what a capable organisation the CIA is so we should all be optimistic about this daring plan. The minor fuck-ups that the CIA has been involved in during its existence should not be a reason for us to doubt this carefully-considered plan. In order to illustrate the strength of its vetting programme, the CIA has allowed us to sit in on a few of those interviews scheduled to begin next month. Below is an accurate transcript of how they went:

CIA Agent: Come in please, I’m agent Johnson and this is agent Johnson. And you are?

Syrian rebel: Mohamed Asa’ad.

CIA Agent: Asa’ad? Like the president?

Syrian rebel:  No, no, in Arabic it’s different, it’s Asa’ad, not Assad.

CIA Agent: It sounds the same to me.

Syrian rebel:  No, it’s Ayen, not A, say Ayen. Asa’ad.

CIA Agent: Assad.

Syrian rebel:  No, you’re not doing it right. Asa’ad.

CIA Agent: ok, never mind, I’ll call you Mohamed. Would you like a beer?

Syrian rebel:  No, thank you.

CIA Agent: Is that for religious reasons?

Syrian rebel:  No, but it’s 9 in the morning and I have a long day ahead.

CIA Agent: So you do drink beer?

Syrian rebel:  Beer, whiskey, vodka, whatever. Although I drive the tank so I have to watch my drinking.

CIA Agent: What do you think of drugs Mr…er, Mohamed?

Syrian rebel:  I tried some marijuana at college but I didn’t inhale.

CIA Agent: Is that for religious reasons?

Syrian rebel:  No, I got a little bit nauseous to be honest and didn’t want to look soft. Have you had any?

CIA Agent: I’m the one asking questions. So are you a jihadi?

Syrian rebel:  Ha, clever one. You nearly tripped me up there.

CIA Agent: So you are?!

Syrian rebel:  No, that was a joke. Do you people not get sarcasm?

CIA Agent: We are trained to respect all cultures. It’s not something we do, but we will respect your right to be sarcastic. But please keep it to a minimum because it makes our job difficult.

Syrian rebel:  This is going to be harder than the mukhabrat interrogation.

CIA Agent: What does that mean?

Syrian rebel:  Sarcasm again.

CIA Agent: oh, I see. So I notice you have a beard, is that because you are a salafi?

Syrian rebel:  No, no, it’s an homage to Orson Welles.

CIA Agent: Who’s Orson Welles?

Syrian rebel:  You don’t know who Orson Welles is? He’s a fantastic American film director. Citizen Kane?

CIA Agent: No, I don’t know him either. So would you shave your beard?

Syrian rebel:  I don’t know, would you grow a ponytail?

CIA Agent: It’s against CIA regulations.

Syrian rebel:  Sarcasm, again. Sorry.

CIA Agent: Sir, I told you to keep it to a minimum. This is messing with our equipment.

Syrian rebel:  ok, ok. Chill.

CIA Agent: So how exactly would you describe your political opinions?

Syrian rebel:  I’m a registered Republican.

CIA Agent: Seriously?

Syrian rebel:  Do you know anything about Syria?

CIA Agent: In my business, we don’t like to pollute our judgment with knowledge, it’s dangerous.

Syrian rebel:  yeah, I heard.

CIA Agent: Remember, the CIA is here to help you.

Syrian rebel:  Yes, I have some Yemeni friends, they speak very highly of you.

CIA Agent: Yemeni friends? Al-Qaeda?

Syrian rebel:  Man, you’re obsessed. You can’t go around stereotyping people like that, what do your human resources people think? No, we met at a conference.

CIA Agent: ok, never mind. I think we’re just about finished here. Do you promise if we give you training and weapons not to use them against the USA, its citizens, armed forces or franchises?

Syrian rebel:  Of course man, I love KFC.

CIA Agent: Great, sign here please.

Syrian rebel:  Allahu Akbar, finally a result.

CIA Agent: What’s that?

Syrian rebel:  It’s just an expression. Relax.

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The broken-hearted mother of 23-year-old Hussam Khayat has recounted the tragedy of losing her son

“[They told me my] son had been arrested and tortured to death, then asked in cold blood to take his body from the hospital. Oh, how lucky I am! At least I know where I can bury him,” Khayat’s mother says.

She couldn’t recognize her son; the body was slit with knifes and burned with cigarettes. He had no nails. His face was unrecognizable after his skin and teeth had been removed.

Khayat was martyred after 13 days of arrest and torture in Syrian Intelligence chambers.

The regime said Khayat had died in clashes between regime forces and the rebels. His mother, like all parents in this situation, was forced to sign a paper saying that her son was killed by terrorists.

Khayat’s story began when he refused to be blackmailed at some checkpoints. When he refused to give the officers there money, they took his identity card.  A few days later he received a phone call from State Security, or the Mukhabrat, branch no 215, asking him to present immediately to the relevant authorities.

His anxious mother insisted she go with him. She went, but wasn’t allowed to enter. At the checkpoint at the entrance, the intimidating officer told her: “It is only a matter of minutes, no more.”

The wait was hours, and when Hussam still hadn’t emerged, the armed security man told her to go home.

“When he’s out, we will call you,” he said.

It was 13 long days before she received a phone call from the military hospital: “Your son has died, you can come to pick up the body.”

It was a few days afterwards that Hussam’s mother heard a broadcast on the regime television news.

“Our valiant forces have killed number of terrorists in the neighborhood of Jobar, one of them is Hussam Khayat,” the reporter was saying.

Asma Alabed, Hussam’s friend, wrote about Khayat in her blog in Canada: “Under the stress from the unfortunate conditions that forced me to leave the University of Toronto and transfer, along the way I forgot how blessed I am to be safe and surrounded by loved ones.”

“My mother always says she never met her best friend, Taunt Loubna, until she moved to Michigan. I can honestly say she is one of the most good hearted, elegant women I have ever come across and it distresses me to hear of the passing of her cousin in Syria, tortured by a relentless regime that should be causing worldwide alarm,” she wrote.

“I am disgusted by the brutality the Assad regime has inflicted on its people, disgusted by those who still speak in support of the regime, and disgusted to live in an era that would cause sorrow to Taunt Loubna’s family and people like Taunt Loubna who singlehandedly represent the kind of person I hope to be one day.

“I am bewildered by those who can still stand by this embarrassing excuse of a government and this obvious violation of human rights.”

Edited by The Syrian Observer

source

Qunfuz, back from Syria

the
rose supermarket – in a tent. the famous line from tunisian poet
ash-sha’abi: if one day the people desire life, fate is obliged to
respond

1016520_10201316497013321_131219855_n

see the whole wonderful album here with Robin’s comments and his article :

Qunfuz

Robin Yassin-Kassab
Pictures from Syria

I’ve just returned from a trip to Syria, which I’ll be writing about. In the meantime, please follow this link to see some photographs, with comments.
The Atmeh camp is just inside Syria near the Turkish town of Reyhanli (Reyhaniyeh in Arabic). 22,000 people live in the camp, refugees from the regime’s shelling, aerial bombardment, gunfire, torture and rape. They come mainly from the Idlib, Hama and Aleppo regions. Many are rural people, but there are middle class urban residents too.
This album also contains pictures of a trip to liberated Kafranbel in southern Idlib province.
source

Thousands of Syrians forgotten and stuck on the border

The Difference between Supporting a Revolution and Supporting Tyranny

azmib

The Difference between Supporting a Revolution and Supporting Tyranny: An Ethical Criterion [An edited translation from the Azmi Bishara Arabic facebook page]

 

1. Generally speaking,  supporters of a revolution against tyranny denounce crimes committed by those groups which purport to act on their behalf. They openly discuss even those ideas which are anathema to themselves.

2. Supporters of a tyrannical regime, meanwhile, never criticize the crimes which such a regime commits, far less denounce them. Instead, they often justify those crimes or sometimes deny they took place.

3. Not only do supporters of a tyrannical regime act to defend tyranny, they in fact provide a further example of tyranny.

4. This corroborates what I have long said: the differences between those who support tyranny, and those who oppose it are a matter of ethics, and not analysis. Ignorance often makes the water even murkier

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