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Syria : Is this the freedom that you want?

Off a back alley, on the floor of a small room,
you lie  in a pool of crimson blood, dying
the doctor, with nothing but a bandage
is unable to heal your gaping wounds
Your family pleads with strangers in orange vests
from far off Egypt, Sudan and Mauritania
because your privileged compatriots in the  City
show no empathy for your ilk
You are but a hoax to them, a conspiracy,
a figment of fevered, primitive minds,
who demand the right to freedom and dignity
and place their fate in the hands of  the divine
Your protestations are disturbing to them,
you expose their fake modernity for what it is,
the basest form of human existence,
privilege as reward for absolute subservience
They are the modern slaves whose master,
a deified leader with no redeeming qualities,
demands absolute obedience and yet,
unlike your God, shows no mercy or compassion
And so when one of the privileged
stands by your expiring body and chides:
“Is this the freedom that you want?”
you answer: “Yes, God save your rotten soul…..”

Posted by at 12:46 PM

As physicians, we are taught to “first, do no harm”.

And so, in life, I like the middle road, where reason prevails over
the harm that is the inevitable result of ignorance, prejudice and intolerance.

Syria’s Bashar al-Assad Chooses the Qaddafi Model

January 10, 2012 ⋅ 8:38 pm ⋅ Post a comment

This morning, in his first public speech in two months, Assad made an angry, rambling, nearly two-hour long speech vowing to crush with “an iron first” the “conspiracy” against his regime. He made delusional claims that nobody believes: there have been no orders to fire on civilians, the protesters are all terrorists, foreigners are to blame. He sounded, in other words, like the “mad dog of the Middle East” himself, Muammar Qaddafi, whose defiant and wild-eyed speeches nearly a year ago presaged the Libyan civil war.

Back in April, an NPR producer wrote up the 11 steps that Middle Eastern dictators take on the path to losing power. Her list, like the many similar lists floating around Arabic-language blogs and social media, drew from the examples of Tunisia’s Zine el Abidine ben Ali (fled in January), Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak (forced out in February), and Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh (pressured by the U.S. to resign in early April, a still-ongoing process). The pattern looked indelible, and still does. Here’s the list:

1- Shut down the internet
2- Send thugs (on foot or horseback)
3- Attack and arrest journalists
4- Shoot people
5- Promise to investigate who shot people
6- Do a meaningless political reshuffle
7- Blame Al Jazeera
8- Organise paid demonstrations in favor of your regime
9- Make a condescending speech about how much you love the youth
10- Warn that the country will fall into chaos without you
11- Blame foreign agitators

Step 12 is the dictator’s departure. But, in the Arab Spring’s first year, two autocrats have resisted this formula, sometimes appearing to painstakingly avoid the paths of their fallen brethren: Libya’s Muammar Qaddafi and Syria’s Bashar al-Assad. Both actually did (and do) follow the above list, but only made it one half of their two-part strategy for staying in power. The other half is much simpler, a list with one item: open war against anyone who resists his rule.

In Libya, that strategy led to civil war, an international intervention, and the awful, bloody death of Qaddafi. Syria’s path is a bit different but still surprisingly parallel. Defected soldiers and impatient dissidents are taking up arms as part of an insurgency that might well devolve into civil war, perhaps one that could divide Syria as it did Libya. The Arab League, long a club for dictators, appears to be slowly (too slowly) turning against Assad as they turned against Qaddafi. Their monitors, though initially sent in what looked like a lip-service gesture to international pressure, have witnessed horrific things and themselves been injured, something that will make it more difficult for the Arab League to avoid action.

The international community, however, still seems far away from intervention. Russia opposes intervention absolutely. Syria’s geography means a Libya-style, air-based intervention would not be enough; stopping Assad’s crackdown would probably require ground forces, something for which the Obama administration appears to have zero appetite. Still, China’s regional business interests might lead it to drop its opposition, which could in turn bring around Russia, and although a U.S. ground invasion will almost certainly not happen in this lifetime, the White House does appear to be gearing up for the possibility of some kind of action.

There’s no reason to be sure that Assad will follow Qaddafi’s path to the bitter end. Left to his own devices, he may well succeed in killing enough thousands of civilians to maintain rule over whatever is ultimately left, something that could look like a sort of North Korea on the Levant. But the Qaddafi model is an ugly one, and it ultimately failed the Libyan dictator, much as the Mubarak model failed the dictators in Tunisia and Egypt. Assad may turn out to be luckier, but he would be the first of his clan of Arab dictators to make it work.

The Atlantic

Syria’s Assad vows ‘iron hand’ against opponents

Associated PressBy ZEINA KARAM | AP – 4 hrs ago

  • In this image made from video, Syrian President Bashar Assad delivers a speech in Damascus, Syria, Tuesday, Jan. 10, 2012. Assad gave his first speech Tuesday since he agreed last month to an Arab League plan to halt the government's crackdown on dissent. (AP Photo/Syrian State Television via APTN) SYRIA OUT

    In this image made from video, Syrian President Bashar Assad delivers a speech in …

  • In this image made from video, Syrian President Bashar Assad delivers a speech in …

BEIRUT (AP) — In his first speech since June, Syrian President Bashar Assad vowed Tuesday to respond to threats against him with an “iron hand” and refused to step down, insisting he still has his people’s support despite a 10-month-old revolt.

Assad repeated claims that a foreign conspiracy is behind the unrest — not true reform-seekers — and he blamed the news media for fabrications.

“Our priority now is to regain security in which we basked for decades, and this can only be achieved by hitting the terrorists with an iron hand,” Assad said in a nearly two-hour speech to a cheering crowd packed with well-dressed supporters at Damascus University. “We will not be lenient with those who work with outsiders against the country.”

By turns defiant and threatening, Assad has refused to give in to the most serious threat to his family’s 40-year dynasty in Syria. He showed a steely confidence in his speech even as opposition forces said he was dangerously out of touch.

Assad, 46, also lashed out at the Arab League, saying the Cairo-based bloc failed to protect Arab interests. The League has suspended Syria and sent a team of monitors to assess whether the regime is abiding by an Arab-brokered peace plan that Assad agreed to on Dec. 19. The moves were humiliating for Syria, which considers itself a powerhouse of Arab nationalism.

“The Arab League failed for six decades to protect Arab interests,” Assad said. “We shouldn’t be surprised it’s failed today.”

Kuwait’s official news agency KUNA reported that a group of Arab League observers was attacked by “unknown protesters” in the northern city of Latakia on Monday and two Kuwaiti army officers were lightly injured.

Online footage posted by activists showed what appears to be a white Arab League vehicle swarmed by Assad supporters in Latakia, some of them dancing on top of the car. Another video shows an Arab League vehicle, battered and with deflated tires, struggling to drive as demonstrators surround it, shouting Assad’s nickname “Abu Hafez,” meaning father of Hafez.

Arab League Secretary General Nabil Elaraby held the Syrian government responsible for ensuring the safety of its observers. But in a statement the League blamed both the government and the opposition forces for the attacks.

The violence is “an attempt to foil its mission, which is to solve the Syrian crisis,” he said.

Also Tuesday, activists said Syrian security forces shot dead at least 10 people in the eastern city of Deir el-Zour despite the presence of an Arab observer mission in the area.

The president has made only four public speeches since the anti-government uprising began in March, inspired by the revolutions sweeping the Arab world. The regime’s crackdown on dissent has killed thousands and led to international isolation and sanctions.

Tuesday’s speech differed little from his previous appearances, in that Assad struck a more defiant tone and reiterated claims of conspiracy and promises of reform.

Rime Allaf, an associate fellow at London’s Chatham House, said the speech was “a pretense of strength” while distributing blame for Syria’s problems on everyone else.

“His excessive discussion of details on so-called reforms, followed by details on the so-called conspiracy, is a desperate attempt to convince Syrians that the regime will survive what it describes as a crisis,” she said. “He hopes revolutionaries — who he equated with terrorists during the entire speech — will simply give up and go home.”

Assad inherited power 11 years ago from his father and has adopted tactics similar to those of other autocratic leaders in the region who scrambled to put down popular uprisings by offering claims of conspiracy while unleashing crackdowns on their people.

The formula failed in Tunisia and Egypt, where popular demands increased almost daily until people accepted nothing less than the ouster of the regime. But Syria’s conflict has gone on far longer, and the death toll is mounting.

“We will declare victory soon,” Assad said. “When I leave this post, it will be also based upon the people’s wishes,” he added.

Regime opponents denounced the speech.

“The speech didn’t bring anything new that could end the crisis and its repercussions,” said Hassan Abdul-Azim, a prominent opposition figure in Syria.

“Assad talked once again about foreign conspiracy and claimed the Arab League is a cover for a foreign intervention without pointing out that the Arab League wants, through its plan, to protect the Syrian people,” he said.

Another Syria-based activist was dismayed at what he said was a rambling speech.

“Bashar is completely removed from reality, as if he is talking about a country other than Syria,” said the man who identified himself by his nickname, Abu Hamza, because of fear of reprisals.

Also Tuesday, Assad accused hundreds of media outlets of working against Syria and claimed an interview he gave to Barbara Walters last month was altered. He was widely criticized for the interview, in which denied he ordered the deadly crackdown.

Assad accused the ABC network of “professional fabrication.”

Since the start of the uprising, Assad has blamed a conspiracy and media fabrications for the unrest — allegations that the opposition and most observers dismiss. The regime has banned most foreign news outlets and prevented independent reporting.

“They failed, but they have not given up,” he said of the media outlets.

In recent months, Syria’s conflict has turned increasingly violent as army defectors turn their weapons on the regime and some protesters take up arms to protect themselves.

Syria agreed in December to an Arab League-brokered plan that calls for an end to the military crackdown on protesters, but killings have continued.

About 165 Arab League monitors are in Syria to determine whether the regime is abiding by the plan to stop violence and pull heavy weapons out of the cities.

The U.N. estimated several weeks ago that more than 5,000 people have been killed since March. Since that report, opposition activists say hundreds more have died.

Adnan al-Khudeir, head of the Cairo operations room that the monitors report to, said more observers will head to Syria in the coming days and the delegation should reach 200. He said the mission then will expand its work in Syria to reach the eastern province of Deir el-Zour and predominantly Kurdish areas to the northeast.

Assad also said he was implementing reforms and that a referendum on a new constitution should be held in March. As it stands now, the constitution enshrines his Baath party as the leader of the state.

But Assad emphasized the measures are not coming because of pressure from the crisis.

“If reform is forced, it will fail,” he said. “Reform for us is the natural path.”

___

Associated Press reporter Albert Aji contributed to this report from Damascus, Syria.

Former Syrian vice president explains Assad’s civil war scheme; intellectuals ridicule Arab League mission

Tuesday, 10 January 2012

Abdul Halim Khaddam, a former Syrian vice president, who fled the country in 2005, says President Assad is manipulating the international community. (Al Arabiya)

Abdul Halim Khaddam, a former Syrian vice president, who fled the country in 2005, says President Assad is manipulating the international community. (Al Arabiya)

By Al Arabiya with Agencies

A former Syrian vice president, Abdul Halim Khaddam, explained the machinations behind plans by Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to face the ongoing anti-regime protests and the increasing regional and international pressure, while several Syrian writers lashed out at the Arab League mission for failing to protect civilians and stop regime brutality.

“Assad spoke to one of the Lebanese ministers, an ally of his, and told him he will never offer any concessions,” Khaddam, who resigned and moved to Paris in 2005, told Al Arabiya’s The Last Hour on Tuesday.

Assad, Khaddam added, also said that if the Arab world and the international community keep putting pressure on him, he would ignite civil war in Syria and establish an independent state in the coastal area.
#

“His main aim now is to divide the country and he is taking advantage of the current silence of the international community, which gives him more chances to stay.”

Khaddam called upon the International Community, particularly Western countries, to start taking action through the Security Council.

“They have to protect the Syrian people and to prevent the regime from killing protestors.”

Khaddam pointed out that inside the Syrian opposition there is a group that supports holding negotiations with the regime.

“Those are hoping that they can take part in ruling the country and they are the reason why the opposition is now divided into two groups: one tolerant towards the regime and another adamant to topple it.”

Meanwhile, the Syrian writer Hussein Oudat criticized the decision of the Arab Ministerial Committee on Syria to give the monitoring mission more time.

“What was supposed to be a decision has turned into a list of wishes made by the Syrian authorities,” he said.

Oudat pointed out that the mission of the observers’ committee was to determine how serious the Syrian regime is about implementing the initiative, which was reduced to a protocol approved by the regime.

“Then observers ended up monitoring only a small part of this protocol.”

He added that Arab monitors in Syria are not qualified to carry out investigations and that they lack a clear strategic plan for monitoring the situation.

“Plus, they do not have the necessary financial support for such a mission.”
Oudat criticized the observers committee’s lack of independence.

“The Syrian regime provides committee members with means of transportation and regime loyalists accompany them to places that the regime decides they should visit and which are not necessarily the places they should see.”

According to Syrian journalist Ayad Sharbatji, the majority of people are eyeing the monitoring committee with suspicion.

“Syrians trust neither the head of the committee nor several of its members, who are representatives of their respective repressive regimes that support Bashar al-Assad,” he told Al Arabiya.

Sharbatji added that members of the committee have already deviated from their original mission, which is making sure the terms of the Arab initiative are being implemented.

“The Arab League also failed in putting pressure on the Syrian regime to pull out the military and security forces from the streets or to release political detainees.”

Instead of stopping its violence against protestors, Sharbatji added, the regime is actually becoming more brutal in crushing protests.

“The regime is also playing games with observers, for no sooner do they leave a place after inspecting it than security forces start another round of killing and destruction in it, and when the people ask observers to come back to see for themselves what happened, they refuse most of the time.”

(Translated from Arabic by Sonia Farid)

«Awaiting Death» by the Syrian writer Samar Yazbek

Samar Yazbek

Des manifestants près de la mosquée des Omeyyades. Photo AP

Samar Yazbek is a very important Syrian writer. She is the author of 4 novels, 2 collections of short stories and several film scripts. She is currently a cinema and television critic. Her style is quite original. She is very courageous to deal with themes related to the disappointments of a marginalised generation.

Samar Yazbek

Her novel “Ra’ihat al-Qirfa” (The Smell of Cinnamom) is being translated into French and has been recently published in Italy. This original text hereunder speaks of the anguish felt by the author during the tragic events that are ravaging Syria.


It is not true that death will have your eyes when it comes.

It is not true that the desire for death is like the desire for love. These two are not identical, yet they both float in nothingness.

In love, one identifies oneself with another person, whereas in death one identifies with one’s existence and the metamorphosis from tangible substance to an abstract idea. People have always seen death as being more noble than their own existence: if not, why venerate the dead? The deceased, who was here among us only a few minutes ago, is at once turned into nothing but a spark.

I would not say that I am calm now, but I am silent. I can hear my heart thumping like the echo of a distant explosion: more clearly than the sound of bullets, screaming kids, and wailing mothers, and even more clearly than the trembling voice of my mother when she tells me not to go out into the street.

The assassins are everywhere.

Death is everywhere.

In the village,

In the city,

By the seaside.

Assassins are taking over both humans and places, and they are terrorizing people. They come to the homes of our neighbors, telling them that we are about to kill them. Then, they turn back at us crying: They will kill you!

I am the accidental visitor to this place. I am the improvisation of life. I do not belong to my own community. Like a wild animal, I float in nothingness. I struggle in the void except for my existential freedom. I look out through the window and observe, I grow calmer and then become silent. My voice is smothered. At this moment, the words of filmmaker Omar Amiralay, come to my mind. During one of our morning meetings, I said: “I’m going to write novels about the history of this country,” and he replied: “Hurry up then! Because I can see that you are under the sentence of death.” I burst out laughing. He adds, smiling: “If it weren’t for your daughter, of course!” Had he not known my relation with death – which often had saved my life – Omar, the witty man that he was, would not have uttered those words lightly. Death is very much like love: if you want to get rid of it, immerse yourself in it. If you want to be burnt by love, keep it away from you.

I wanted to be done with this existence at once. Overwhelmed by details, I failed to perceive at the time, that this indifference would make me strong and vulnerable. And then, that I would cling to life with such fear. Fear of what? How do people fear? They do not even know that, as they breathe, they fear.

For fifteen years, ever since I moved to the capital with my daughter, I have kept a knife in my bag and carried it with me everywhere. For years, I told myself that I would use it against those who would attack a lonely woman like myself. I did not have to use it often, yet I waved it a few times in the faces of speechless men. Lately, I have told myself: “I would stab it in my own heart before anyone could offend my dignity.”

So what does this all mean now, in the whirl of death? Going out into the streets has become a likely occasion to die. But the idea tickles me… to walk down the street knowing that someone could kill you any minute. Indeed, going out with friends to protest, well aware that security officials are ready to shoot you dead on the spot, is a crazy, weird idea. These are the same security officers who have crushed, betrayed, arrested and killed people for centuries: now, once more, they walk the streets in cold blood.

How do human bodies turn into lethal weapons? Their hands, eyes, hair, heads and all their organs are similar to yours. How can people be turned into pincers and hooks? In the blink of an eye, reality becomes fantasy. Because reality is more bitter than fantasy. It has been said that writing novels requires fantasy; well, I would say that it requires reality – and only reality. For that which is written in novels is always less brutal than what happens for real.

The untruthful lady was on TV. My mother said: “Listen, she talks of traitors and sectarian strife. Woe betide us! Shut the windows!” But the neighbors and I take her words lightly. We are united more than one family. I argue with my mother and suddenly burst into tears. The images come back to me: of children being tortured, of murdered young people. The face of the child who I carried in my arms in Marjeh Square while he watched his family beaten up and arrested. I listen to a man on TV speaking of the blood of martyrs in Deraa, and he called for revenge. “We will not reply to this woman (the untruthful woman), we will not reply to women, because who listens to a woman.

What happens does not look like me; the applause of my family to the lady, the applause of my friends to the martyrs’ blood. I am ashamed of the martyrs’ blood. I retreat into my shell. Oh Lord! If a human mistake is made, and it turns out that you are sitting up there, refusing to come down to see what is happening, I will reach out for you from your seventh heaven so you see and hear.

I go out on my balcony where the lemon trees exhilarate me. The place is quiet, it is only moments before the backfire will start anew. Everyone knows that this calm is not the calm of nature, it is the security system’s hegemony and nobody dares disturb it. Officials are everywhere in the streets, turning the city into a carnival of terror. Suddenly, chaos prevails. People start running away, and some get randomly eliminated. Gangs emerge from underground: they grow like plants, without logic or reason.

People ask themselves: “From where did these gangs come? How could they murder all these people, with their bullets dancing beneath our feet and under our windows? How did it all happen?” These are the gangs that terrorize our Sunni neighbors, telling them that we are after them and plan to kill them. Then, they turn to us and say the same thing about the Alawites. Me, an intruder in this place, I observe all of this with horror. I am the one exiled from both the city and the village, from the sea and the air. I am under everyone’s gaze. I know both sides. I know other aspects of Damascus life, where the city has been transformed into a village of another nature.

What am I doing here?

Am I waiting for death? Yes, that is something I have always known, and meanwhile I continue fighting. The debates are resumed: “the saboteurs, hackers…” I have become withdrawn: I am an intruder among my own people, an intruder in my bed, an intruder in a silent and impossible love. I poke my nose into everything and yet I am nothing. I am a mass of flesh curled up under the bedspread. I even sneak into the asphalt of the street outside. I sink into the sorrow of every Syrian crossing the street in front of me. I hear the gunfire, the screams and the prayers. I am the mass of flesh that goes from house to house every morning in the hopes of finding a loophole, while pretending to do something, something false that would allow itself to be done in the course of justice.

But what is all of that worth now? Nothing.

All the slogans, all the suffering, all the hatred that lead to so much murder and death mean nothing anymore. The reality is that the streets are empty. The cities are ghost towns. The military machineries are everywhere, yet the army has vanished. Where is the army? Who trusts this nonsense nowadays anyway? The army allows the gangs to terrorize and kill people without intervening. Even the security officers, who used to terrorize civilians, have suddenly become vulnerable to these gangs.

What is this insanity?

It is death. It is a living creature moving forward on its feet. I can hear its voice and I can gaze at it. I know its taste. I know the taste of a knife on the neck, and of boots on the neck too. I have known this for a long time, ever since I first escaped from this narrow world, and since my second and third escape from it. I am a deferred crime of honor in my family and a crime of treason in my community and sect, and in… and in…

I am no longer afraid: not because I am brave, for I am very fragile, but as a force of habit.

I no longer fear death: I wait for it, serenely, with my cigarette and coffee. I think to myself and say that I dare to stare into the eye of a sniper on the roof of a building. I can stare at him without batting an eyelid. I walk down the street unhurriedly, staring at the roofs. I cross the sidewalks and the city square and I think to myself: where might the sniper be now? I think that I will write a novel about a sniper watching a woman walking sedately down the street. I think of the two of them as lonely heroes in a ghost town. I think of the streets as those in José Saramago’s Blindess.

I go back to the capital, knowing that this place will never be the same again. Fear no longer comes as naturally as breath. Life here has changed, all at once and forever.

I go back, knowing that I will not cease to demand justice even if it puts my life at risk. It is the force of habit: no more, no less. I shall wait for death and shall not place flowers on my grave*.

___

*Allusion to the title of a famous poem from Syrian poet Daad Haddad: I am the one who bring the flowers to his grave.

Source 

Interview with Haitham al-Maleh”We Want the Syrian Regime to Be Further Isolated”

The Syrian human rights lawyer Haitham al-Maleh is calling on the international community to increase pressure on the Assad regime. Martina Sabra spoke to him about the West’s sanctions policy, the Arab League’s observer mission and the prospects for the Syrian uprising
Mr al-Maleh, what conclusions do you draw from the Arab League’s observer mission to Syria so far?

Haitham al-Maleh: In principle, it is a good thing to send observers to Syria. But Syria would have to meet the Arab League’s related requirements, i.e. the withdrawal of the military from the streets of the villages and towns, the removal of snipers and a halt to the bloodshed. Syrians must be given the chance to demonstrate peacefully, and the international media must be allowed to report independently. These are the most important points.

So far, the Syrian regime has made no attempt to meet the demands of the Arab League?

Al-Maleh: No. Demonstrators are still being killed; protesters are still being arrested on the streets; over 100,000 people are still being held by the regime, and there is no free media coverage.

Observers from the Arab League after their arrival in Deraa (photo: dpa)
Observers from the Arab League are currently in Syria to determine whether the Assad regime is abiding by the peace plan and withdrawing its soldiers from residential areas; the mission has, however, come in for severe criticism following continuing violence against members of the opposition So one has to be realistic and conclude that the regime rejects this observer mission. I don’t care whether the regime signed the protocol or not. I am talking about the facts here. And the fact is that the regime has not truly engaged with the Arab initiative and civilians are not being protected.

But does this mission not have one positive aspect? After all, international observers have at last been allowed into the country?

Al-Maleh: This observer mission can open an office for a certain length of time in the cities where it has been deployed. You could call this is a partial protection that benefits citizens.

Last Friday (30 December 2011), the biggest demonstrations so far took place in Syria. I think that had something to do with the fact that the observers were in the area. But that is the only advantage I can see.

Saudi Arabia, the Gulf states and Iran are pursuing their own interests in Syria. Do you think it is possible that the rivalry between these regional powers and their struggle to influence domestic developments in Syria could nip the tender shoots of democracy in Syria in the bud?

Al-Maleh: One thing is certain: this revolution is now unstoppable. It will continue until the regime has been toppled. The uprising has been going on for over six months now, and the Syrian people decided right at the start that they would not go home until the system was toppled. This system has squandered its legitimacy.

Yes, but what about the major powers in the region? Are they going to allow a democratic order to be established in Syria?

Al-Maleh: Saudi Arabia is trying to weaken the Syrian apparatus of power. Iran has stated quite clearly on a number of occasions that it will support this apparatus until the very end. Iran has even exerted diplomatic pressure on Iraq to get Iraq to align itself with the Assad regime. But this kind of politics cannot work in the long run.

Syrian troops moving into the city of Saqba (photo: AP)
“The army is disintegrating: approximately 40,000 soldiers have already deserted. That is another factor that will bring the regime to its knees,” says Haitham al-Maleh However, I don’t believe that external factors are really all that important for the Syrian revolution; it is the domestic factors that are important. It is above all economic problems that play a role. There is no longer any tourism in Syria. Factories and workshops have come to a standstill; many people have no work, no income. The currency has lost two-thirds of its value; prices have rocketed. The army is disintegrating: approximately 40,000 soldiers have already deserted. That is another factor that will bring the regime to its knees.

Speaking of the army, it is becoming increasingly difficult to determine who is actually fighting whom in Syria. Some people fear that the country could slide into a civil war. What do you think?

Al-Maleh: I don’t think that we are currently on the brink of a civil war. But if the regime doesn’t change its course, if it continues to set the different religious communities against each other, then things might indeed end in civil war. But I don’t yet see that happening.

The divisions do not run strictly along religious lines: although the regime belongs to the Alawite minority, there are people in the Alawite community who do not fully back the regime, because they know that it is corrupt and that those in power brought together the most corrupt people from all areas. Most Alawites have never actually benefitted from the regime.

These people are asking themselves why they should support Assad? Given that this is the case, I don’t believe that there will be civil war in the near future, but it can’t be ruled out.

What is your assessment of the relationship between the peaceful demonstrators and those forces that are armed, above all the Free Syrian Army (FSA)?

Al-Maleh: An army’s most important task is to protect the citizens, not to kill them. Right from the word go, the Syrian revolution has been peaceful. Initially, the soldiers who deserted the army even left their weapons behind them.

Col. Riad al-Asaad (photo: dapd)
“The regime is wobbling”: Col. Riad al-Asaad, leader of the Free Syrian Army, has declared that his organisation will re-launch attacks on the Assad regime at the end of the observer mission Now, they take their weapons with them when they desert. But this doesn’t mean that the uprising is turning violent. The people are also defending themselves, their families, their property. There have indeed been isolated acts of violence, but the revolution will as a whole remain peaceful.

What are you calling on the EU and Germany to do in the current situation?

Al-Maleh: I have been in almost all European foreign ministries, have spoken to ministers, to parliamentarians, to representatives of political parties and people in the media. The demands are as follows: a withdrawal of diplomats from Damascus; the expulsion of Syrian diplomats abroad who could be considered part of the Syrian security apparatus and who are not really diplomats.

I have also presented the Europeans with a list of 200 people who have either committed murder or are responsible for massive human rights violations. To date, a total of 60 high-ranking people have been affected by travel restrictions and the freezing of accounts. The EU has agreed to extend this list.

We want the Syrian regime to be further isolated. In my opinion, Germany has a special role to play in this because of its good relations with the Arab states. This is particularly true of the United Arab Emirates. The ambassador from the Emirates is still in Syria.

What’s more, a considerable proportion of the assets of those criminals who have systematically been robbing the Syrian people is in the Emirates. The other state is Oman. Oman hasn’t recalled its ambassador yet either. I think Germany could exert more pressure here. The rest is our business.

How long do you think Bashar al-Assad’s regime will survive?

Al-Maleh: The regime is wobbling. I think it will only last another few weeks.

Interview conducted by Martina Sabra

© Qantara.de 2012

Translated from the German by Aingeal Flanagan

Editor: Lewis Gropp/Qantara.de

The human rights lawyer Haitham al-Maleh was held in prison from 1980 to 1987 without charge and without any legal proceedings being brought against him because he, as a member of the lawyer’s association, had campaigned for an abolition of the state of emergency that has been in place in Syria since 1963. In 2001, he founded the Human Rights Association in Syria (HRAS), which has 70 members across the country. He was a member of the defence team for the ten political prisoners of the Damascus Spring, the democracy movement that was crushed in 2001. He is now a member of the opposition Syrian National Council (SNC).

Watch also this interesting interview here (in Arabic)

Syria Revolution Song: Will oust your system, Son of the filth!

[youtube http://youtu.be/k6dFrbo-RDg?]

The Meedan Bombings in Damascus

Friday, January 06, 2012

Maysaloon : If people were more cautious about laying the blame last time, there seems to be no hesitation in blaming the regime for this morning’s bomb blast in Damascus. Syrian television, with grisly voyeurism, appears to be relishing showing the blood and death that are the by-products of such bombings.

Why are these bombings happening on a Friday? Why have they only started happening now that the Arab League observers are in Syria? So many questions and too few answers. I think the finger of blame can also go the other way, and whilst the regime could plausibly be behind the attacks, we cannot rule out rogue elements in the opposition. The fact that only hours beforehand, Colonel Riad al Asaad had warned of further attacks against the regime, has only stoked the fires of propaganda against the Free Syrian Army. Yet the fact remains, why would a suicide bomber carry out such attacks with such timing and limited success, when there are enormous pro-regime demonstrations that are held in the Ummayad square or in Aleppo? In fact, why is it only the anti-regime demonstrations that get shot at if the regime’s story of armed groups is true? Wouldn’t an armed group attack pro-regime demonstrations? Shouldn’t common sense tell us that a more sensational target would be the pro-regime demonstrators? Or perhaps carrying out the bombings on a day that would not distract from the anti-regime protests that happen each Friday? Finally, al Qaeda or any of these terrorist groups usually relish the opportunity to declare their responsibility, so why has nobody stepped forward yet?

Questions, questions, questions…

source

Syria : What Happened in Midan (By SGID)

on Tuesday the Midan coordination committee called for mass demonstrations in the abu habel district of Midan in Central Damascus after Asr prayers. it was planned in anticipation of a visit by the Arab league observers specifically in Midan. it is quite rare for a coordination committee to announce a date for a demonstration as most protests start spontaneously without a planning. of course this yields a disadvantage as the authorities can get air of this ,gather and disrupt the protests. i took part in these protests and these are my observations: i arrived an hour early as to find a safe place to protest. i quickly noticed that Midan in general is covered in anti-regime graffiti ( which the regime subsequently badly covered). every few meters you would find slogans like ” get out Bashar” or more insults to Bashar. The Abu Habel district was cordoned off by regime thugs, yet the Abu Habel district is riddled with alleys and paths to the main gathering points. so it would be easy for someone to get in discretely but extremely difficult to get in large numbers. Upon entering the district i saw a crowd of regime supporters ( near the buses that were used to transport them ). Addounia TV was also holding interviews, with some participants falsely stating they were residents of Midan. After more inspection i counted more than 200 armed thugs accompanying the pro-regime crowd. the regime had done its homework and had prepared to fool the observers with this fake stage of support. at the other end of the district the anti-regime demonstrators started gathering. Those who attended were far fewer than i anticipated ( Midan can peak 25,000 demonstrators). yet those who attended were around 1000-2000. a far call from a massive demonstrations the committee called for. the regime thugs decided to flex their muscles and attempted to disrupt the demonstration before it stared. the anti-regime crowd decided to meld into the pro-regime crowd as to hide. what was usually an opposition strong hold has become a stage for a pro-regime crowd.When the Asr prayers were announced, the anti-regime crowd entered the Daqaq Mosque. The pro-regime crowd started chanting their generic chants, while the the anti-regime crowd waited for more people to arrive. directly after prayers the protests started, but we were surrounded from 2 out of 3 sides. we managed to taunt the regime thugs a bit, before moving to one of the alleys by the Daqaq mosque. i managed to escape then, those who didn’t returned to the mosque where they were surrounded for about 2 hours, before the regime thugs pulled out. luckily no one was harmed. one thing that surprised me was the relatively mass participation by women ( about 40% of the crowd). in fact one of the worshipers started mumbling about the women that weren’t wearing hijabs inside the mosque, i told him better them inside the mosque than the shabeeha. sadly the observers never showed up until late in the evening where both crowds (pro and anti) had long ago dispersed. the observers went to pray at the Daqaq mosue and listened to the testimonies of some opposition activists for a short while before leaving. as i was leaving i was amused to realize that one of the regime thugs accidentally used tear gas on the pro-regime demonstrators that were bussed in(غبأكم ينصرنا ). i would like to state that if it weren’t for the numerous checkpoints and regime thugs the demonstration would’ve certainly been better.

the regime is trying to manipulate the observers the same way they manipulated Robert Fisk.

some guy in damascus

Addounia tv with pro-regime crowd and thugs
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Bj7kOru8d20
the demonstration held in the alley neighboring the mosque
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aQ2nMaWtUoQ&feature=youtu.be

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