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torture

Conditions of detainees in Al Khatib security branch in Damascus

Detainees in prisons are literally suffering from tragic conditions. Witnesses have reported a fraction of what happens in Al Khateeb state security branch located in Baghdad street in Damascus.

Detainees there are suffering from an extremely suffocating crowd-ness as double the number of detainees that could fit in a room are packed in each to the extent that no one is able to sleep or comfortably sit. Some of them are forced to stand all day without resting. Days could pass with detainees getting no sleep at all. The detainees also have no access to medicine and those who get ill are left to die slowly. Sun rays do not enter the dungeons at all. Food is extremely scarce. And of course, the daily psychological and physical torture the detainees are subjected to by means the human mind cannot bear to imagine worsen the conditions drastically.Consequently, detainees began to suffer from several diseases and fatal conditions including:
1] hallucinations caused by the lack of sleep
2] malnutrition because of the scarcity of food
3] skin diseases and rashes because of the crowds, the lack of sanitation, and the continuous perspiration
4] diseases caused by the extremely appalling means of tortureThe witnesses confirmed that 5-7 detainees died during the month of Ramadan (August) only because of the crowded dungeons. This death toll is only from few dungeons and no one know the exact death toll in all the other dungeons.

We took their fingernails out with pliers and we made them eat them. We made them suck their own blood off the floor’: Grisly accounts from inside Syria’s ’27 torture centres’

  • Human Rights Watch report released as Syrian President Bashar Assad says he regrets the shooting down of a Turkish jet by his forces last month
  • Group says tens of thousands of people had been detained across Syria by intelligence agencies
  • Detainees are beaten with batons and cables, burned with acid, sexually assaulted, and their fingernails torn out, claims the report
  • ‘The reach and inhumanity of this network of torture centres are truly horrific,’ says Human Rights Watch researcher

By Anthony Bond

PUBLISHED: 09:14 GMT, 3 July 2012 | UPDATED: 17:46 GMT, 3 July 2012

Syrian intelligence agencies are running torture centres across the country where detainees are beaten with batons and cables, burned with acid, sexually assaulted, and their fingernails torn out, a report released today has said.

Human Rights Watch identified 27 detention centres that it says intelligence agencies have been using since President Bashar al-Assad’s government began a crackdown in March 2011 on pro-democracy protesters trying to oust him.

The New York-based rights group found that tens of thousands of people had been detained across Syria. It conducted more than 200 interviews with people who said they were tortured.

Scroll down for video

Torture: With Dulab the victim is forced to bend at the waist and stick his head, neck, legs and sometimes arms into the inside of a car tireTorture: This graphic shows one of the methods used by Syrian intelligence agencies to torture detainees. With Dulab the victim is forced to bend at the waist and stick his head, neck, legs and sometimes arms into the inside of a car tire
Awful: Some of those being held in the torture centres would be beaten with objects including cables, whips, sticks, batons and pipesAwful: Some of those being held in the torture centres would be beaten with objects including cables, whips, sticks, batons and pipes
Painful: Shabeh is another torture method which was used on detainees. It involved hanging the victim from the ceiling by the wristsPainful: Shabeh is another torture method which was used on detainees. It involved hanging the victim from the ceiling by the wrists

This included a 31-year-old man who was detained in the Idlib area in June and made to undress.

He told the group: ‘They started squeezing my fingers with pliers. They put staples in my fingers, chest and ears. I was only allowed to take them out if I spoke. The staples in the ears were the most painful.’

‘They used two wires hooked up to a car battery to give me electric shocks. They used electric stun-guns on my genitals twice. I thought I would never see my family again. They tortured me like this three times over three days,’ he said.

The report was released as it emerged Syrian President Bashar Assad claims he regrets the shooting down of a Turkish jet by his forces last month.

Inhumane: This map shows the various locations are descriptions by some of those who claimed they were tortured by Syrian intelligence agenciesInhumane: This map shows the various locations and descriptions by some of those who claimed they were tortured by Syrian intelligence agencies

Turkish newspaper The Cumhuriyet quoted Mr Assad as saying: ‘I say 100%, I wish we did not shoot it down.’

The Human Rights Watch report found that tens of thousands of people had been detained by the Department of Military Intelligence, the Political Security Directorate, the General Intelligence Directorate, and the Air Force Intelligence Directorate.

The reports documented by the group match those of a former Syrian intelligence officer who told how he was routinely ordered to torture prisoners.

Speaking to CNN, the former officer, who later fled to Turkey with his family, said: ‘Whatever we wanted the prisoner to say, he would say.  We took their fingernails out with pliers and we made them eat them. We made them suck their own blood off the floor.’

Unbearable: Basat al-reeh involves tying the victim down to a flat board with the head suspended in the air so the victim cannot defend himselfUnbearable: Basat al-reeh involves tying the victim down to a flat board with the head suspended in the air so the victim cannot defend himself
Abuse: Electrocution was also used on those being held in the 27 torture centresAbuse: Electrocution was also used on those being held in the 27 torture centres
Harsh: Falaqa involves beating the detainee with sticks, batons, or whips on the soles of the feetHarsh: Falaqa involves beating the detainee with sticks, batons, or whips on the soles of the feet
Horrific: Human Rights Watch has identified 27 detention centres that it says intelligence agencies have been using since President Bashar al-Assad's government began a crackdown on pro-democracy protestersHorrific: Human Rights Watch has identified 27 detention centres that it says intelligence agencies have been using since President Bashar al-Assad’s government began a crackdown on pro-democracy protesters

Human Rights Watch documented more than 20 torture methods that ‘clearly point to a state policy of torture and ill-treatment and therefore constitute a crime against humanity.’

The group called for the U.N. Security Council to refer the issue of Syria to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and to adopt targeted sanctions against officials carrying out abuse.

‘The reach and inhumanity of this network of torture centers are truly horrific,’ Ole Solvang, emergencies researcher at Human Rights Watch said.

‘Russia should not be holding its protective hand over the people who are responsible for this.’

Russia – an ally of Syria – and China have already vetoed two council resolutions that condemned Damascus and threatened it with sanctions and French U.N. Ambassador Gerard Araud told reporters yesterday that reaching a Security Council consensus to refer Syria to the ICC would be difficult.

‘As France is concerned it’s very clear we are very much in favor of referring Syria to the ICC,’ Mr Araud said.

‘The problem is it will have to be part … of a global understanding of the council and I do think that for the moment we have not yet reached this point,’ he said.

Blockade: A wall of of tyres burns in a street in Damascus' al-Midan neighbourhoodBlockade: A wall of of tyres burns in a street in Damascus’ al-Midan neighbourhood
Upsetting: This image released by the Syrian opposition's Shaam News Network today shows the mass burial of people allegedly killed by Syrian government forces in DoumaUpsetting: This image released by the Syrian opposition’s Shaam News Network today shows the mass burial of people allegedly killed by Syrian government forces in Douma
Protest: An anti-regime demonstration takes place in the Syrian town of Kfar Sousa yesterdayProtest: An anti-regime demonstration takes place in the Syrian town of Kfar Sousa yesterdayU.N. human rights chief Navi Pillay yesterday reiterated her position that the issue of Syria’s conflict should be referred to the ICC in The Hague because crimes against humanity and other war crimes may have been committed.She said both sides appear to have committed war crimes.The United Nations has said more than 10,000 people have been killed during the 16-month Syria conflict.

Troubled: Destruction in the restive central city of Homs can be seen. It was confirmed that at least 78 people were killed in violence across Syria on SundayTroubled: Destruction in the restive central city of Homs can be seen. It was confirmed that at least 78 people were killed in violence across Syria on Sunday
Destruction: A damaged building in the town of Duma. The Syrian army kept up its bombardment of rebel neighbourhoodsDestruction: A damaged building in the town of Duma. The Syrian army kept up its bombardment of rebel neighbourhoods
Devastation: Residential homes which have been completely destroyed are pictured yesterday in the town of DumaDevastation: Residential homes which have been completely destroyed are pictured yesterday in the town of Duma
Grim: The nightmare in Syria continued at the weekend when protesters claimed they were attacked by government forces during a funeral in Deraa on Saturday. The body of a young girl is held by local residentsGrim: The nightmare in Syria continued at the weekend when protesters claimed they were attacked by government forces during a funeral in Deraa on Saturday. The body of a young girl is held by local residents

PRESIDENT ASSAD CLAIMS HE REGRETS SHOOTING DOWN TURKISH JET

Syrian President Bashar Assad regrets the shooting down of a Turkish jet by his forces, a Turkish newspaper said today.

The Cumhuriyet newspaper published the remarks from an exclusive interview with Mr Assad in the Syrian capital, Damascus, on Sunday.

The paper quoted Mr Assad as saying: ‘I say 100%, I wish we did not shoot it down.’

Apologetic: Syrian President Bashar Assad has claimed he regrets the shooting down of a Turkish jet by his forces. An F4 Phantom jet similar to the one pictured was shot down on June 22Apologetic: Syrian President Bashar Assad has claimed he regrets the shooting down of a Turkish jet by his forces. An F4 Phantom jet similar to the one pictured was shot down on June 22

Turkey says Syrian forces downed its jet in international airspace after it briefly strayed into Syrian airspace on June 22.

Mr Assad insists the plane was inside Syrian airspace and flying in a corridor that had been used by Israeli planes three times in the past.

Turkey responded by deploying anti-aircraft missiles on the Syrian border, and has scrambled its jets several times after it said its border was approached by Syrian helicopters.

VIDEO: Warning graphic content. Detainees talk about their horrific ordeals…

Syrian activist sentenced to death for ‘treason’

Friday, 18 May 2012

The Syrian League of the Defense of Human Rights urged Syrian authorities to scrap the death sentence against activist Mohammed Abdelmawla al-Hariri. (AFP)

The Syrian League of the Defense of Human Rights urged Syrian authorities to scrap the death sentence against activist Mohammed Abdelmawla al-Hariri. (AFP)
By AL ARABIYA WITH AGENCIES

Syrian authorities have sentenced to death for “treason” an activist who was arrested in April and “brutally tortured,” a Syrian human rights group said on Friday.

The death sentence is apparently the first to be reported since an uprising erupted last year against the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, which has struck back by trying to crush dissent with deadly force.

Mohammed Abdelmawla al-Hariri handed the sentence by a military court where he faced charges of “high treason and contacts with foreign parties,” said the Syrian League of the Defense of Human Rights.

The League dismissed the charges as “null and void” and said that Hariri, an engineer in his late 30s arrested on April 16, was “brutally tortured” and forced to make confessions.

It said Hariri was awaiting his execution in the notorious Saydnaya prison -once identified by Amnesty International as “Syria’s black hole” as inmates have limited access to the outside world.

“He was tortured from the first day of his arrest. They broke his backbone and authorities refused to give him the proper medical care,” the League said in a statement.

Hariri was arrested after discussing on Al-Jazeera television the terrible humanitarian and security situation in southern Daraa province, cradle of the anti-regime uprising that erupted in March 2011, the group said.

The League urged Syrian authorities to scrap the death sentence against Hariri.

It also called on the international community to intervene to halt “acts of violence, killings and torture committed by the security forces and regime militias.”

Local and international rights groups have repeatedly denounced abuses in Syrian jails where they allege detainees are systematically tortured.

According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, more than 25,000 Syrians are behind bars as part of the government’s crackdown on dissent, which it says has killed more than 12,000 people, including more than 900 killed since the April 12 truce came into effect

Syria is five weeks into a ceasefire deal – brokered by U.N. and Arab League envoy Kofi Annan – that calls for the release of political prisoners and allowing peaceful protest as a elements of a strategy to map a path out of the country’s bloodshed.

But violence has barely slowed in the country, and a U.N. truce monitoring team was caught up earlier this week in an attack in northern Idlib province that saw at least 21 people killed, and observers forced to spent a night with rebels who pledged they were protecting them.

Syria : Salameh Kaileh

This is Palestinian writer Salameh Kaileh after his torture by the Syrian regime during his latest jail stint this week. After 30 years in Syria, he is displaced once again, having fled to Jordan. Shouldn’t this be on the website Electronic Intifada?
[youtube http://youtu.be/-oSTHATqRbA?]

Syria’s torture machine

As shown on Channel 4

Part II

Part III (last)

Rudd seeks action on torture allegations involving Palestinian children

by John Lyons

The Australian

17 December 2011

AUSTRALIA will raise concerns with Israel about its juvenile military court system, which has been accused of jailing and torturing Palestinian children as young as 12.

Following a report in The Weekend Australian Magazine three weeks ago, Foreign Minister Kevin Rudd has instructed Australian diplomats to visit the juvenile military court.

The diplomats have been told to report to Mr Rudd on the conditions they find at the Ofer military prison, near Jerusalem.

According to a statement from Mr Rudd’s office, he has also instructed Australian officials to initiate a meeting with Israeli authorities to raise concerns about the system under which Palestinian children are tried.

Sixty of Israel’s leading psychologists, academics and child experts have written to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu saying that “offensive arrests and investigations that ignore the law do not serve to maintain public order and safety”.

The Weekend Australian Magazine reported that allegations included : a boy kept in solitary confinement for 65 days ; other boys in solitary confinement with the lights on 24 hours a day ; a seven-year-old boy in Jerusalem taken for interrogation who says he was hit during questioning ; three children being given electric shocks by hand-held devices to force them to confess ; dog’s food being put on the head and near the genitals of a blindfolded boy and a dog being brought in to eat it while his interrogators laughed.

The magazine reported that, since January, 2007, Defence of Children International has collected and translated into English 385 sworn affidavits from Palestinian children held in Israeli detention who claim to have suffered serious abuse : electric shocks, beatings, threats of rape, being stripped naked, solitary confinement, threats that their families’ work permits will be revoked and “position abuse” – which involves a child being placed in a chair with their feet shackled and hands tied behind their back, sometimes for hours.

A 10-year-old boy testified : “A soldier pointed his rifle at me. The rifle barrel was a few centimetres from my face. I was so terrified that I started to shiver. He made fun of me and said, ’Shivering ? Tell me where the pistol is before I shoot you’.”

A 15-year-old boy testified that he was tied to a metal pipe and beaten by a soldier and that an interrogator placed a device against his body and gave him an electric shock, saying : “If you don’t confess I’ll keep shocking you.” He said the interrogator gave him another electric shock, at which point he could no longer feel his arms or legs, felt pain in his head and confessed.

Gerard Horton, an Australian lawyer dealing with many of the cases in his role at DCI, said one Israeli interrogator working in the settlement, Gush Etzion, “specialises in threatening children with rape” to get confessions.

One woman involved in the YMCA’s rehabilitation program for children who have been under Israeli detention, Fadia Saleh, told The Australian as part of its investigation : “Last week, one boy described to me how dogs were present in the army jeep. In those jeeps, you have chairs on each side and an empty space in the middle – the children are put there, on the floor. Sometimes soldiers step on them.

“Every time the child moved, one of the dogs would bite him. When he arrived at the interrogation centre, his arm was bleeding. It was a short trip but he felt like (it was) a year.”

The Weekend Australian Magazine reported that, while diplomatic and parliamentary missions from many countries had visited the juvenile court, Australian diplomats had appeared to show no obvious interest in the court.

Mr Horton said Australia had been “conspicuously silent” about possible human rights abuses against Palestinian children.

He told the magazine : “It is disappointing that, of all the diplomatic missions in the region, Australia has been conspicuously silent on the issue of the military courts.”

Australia’s Ambassador to Israel, Andrea Faulkner, was told of the treatment of children more than a year ago.

Although informed of the issue, neither Ms Faulkner nor any other Australian representative has visited the court.

The Weekend Australian Magazine was given rare access for the media to the court – it was allowed to visit on three separate occasions over the last year, with the Israeli Defence Forces, as part of this investigation.

This week, an Australian official has begun meetings on the issue in preparation for a visit to the juvenile court by Australian diplomats.

Most of the children before the military court are charged with stone-throwing and sentenced to prison terms ranging from two weeks to 10 months.

The Israeli Defence Forces reported at least 2766 incidents of rock-throwing against them or passing cars this year.

Israeli police say a crash in September in which a man and his infant son were killed may have been caused by a rock hitting their car.

Authorities in Israel did not want to discuss individual cases of children but the country’s international spokesman Yigal Palmor said there were “many things” that needed to improve and that Israel was working with human rights groups and making “slow reform and improvement”.

The treatment of Palestinian children in the West Bank, which is under Israeli military occupation, is in contrast to the treatment of children in Israel.

In Israel, a child cannot be sent to jail until the age of 14, while Palestinian children are being jailed from the age of 12 ; in Israel a child cannot be interrogated without a parent present ; in Israel a child cannot be interrogated at night, while most of the Palestinian children being taken from their homes are detained between midnight and 5am ; in Israel the maximum period of detention without access to a lawyer is 48 hours, while in the West Bank it is 90 days.

In recent times, the military court has been visited by diplomats or parliamentary delegations from the UK, the US, the European Union, the Netherlands, France, Spain, Belgium, Germany, Ireland, Norway, Cyprus and the United Nations.

Mr Horton says that before most cases are taken up, DCI requires a sworn affidavit.

He told the magazine of the common treatment for many children : “Once bound and blindfolded, the child will be led to a waiting military vehicle and in about one-third of cases will be thrown on the metal floor for transfer to an interrogation centre.

“Sometimes the children are kept on the floor face down with the soldiers putting their boots on the back of their necks, and the children are handcuffed, sometimes with plastic handcuffs, which cut into their wrists. Many children arrive at the interrogation centres bruised and battered, sleep-deprived and scared.”

Mr Horton said the whole point of this treatment was to get the children to confess as quickly as possible.

In one case, even though a child insisted that a confession he had signed was not true, as he had signed it only after pressure, he was convicted on the basis of the confession.

A spokeswoman for Mr Rudd said that, during Israel’s last appearance before the UN Universal Periodic Review Working Group, Australia questioned Israel about reported mistreatment of detainees.

She said the government universally opposes the detention of minors.

“The Australian government’s long held view is that all children, regardless of ethnicity, religion, gender or other differences, should enjoy the same legal and human rights protections,” she said.

17 décembre 2011 – The Australian – available to subscribers only

Inside Assad’s Torture Chambers – Syria

Assad continues to refute claims that his government is waging a brutal crackdown. Yet through exclusive interviews, this report exposes the routine and sadistic torture the Syrian military has used on prisoners.
Despite the UN accusing the Syrian government forces of crimes against humanity, Assad defiantly refuses to acknowledge the torture and killings taking place under his command. The testimonies of those involved tell a different story. One man who served for a decade in Syria’s much-feared Military Intelligence gives a terrifying account of the torture that he and Assad’s other enforcers would use on children as well as adults. A 13-year-old speaks boy speaks about how he was electrocuted and the “ultimate pain” of having his big toe nail ripped out with pliers by Assad’s thugs. In another account, an illiterate farmer speaks eloquently about how he endured a month of torture and Kafka-esque interrogation,leaving him with permanent damage.

Watch more: http://www.youtube.com/user/journeymanpictures?feature=mhee

Mustafa Khalifa. Al-Qawqa’a [The Shell]

Syrian Studies Association Newsletter 14.2 (2009) Spring Issue Book Review: A Memoir-Novel of Tadmur Military Prison
Mustafa Khalifa. Al-Qawqa’a [The Shell]. Beirut: Dar al-Adab (http://adabmag.com/books) ,
2008.

[This review is based on the Arabic original. The book is also available in French:
Moustafa Khalifé. La Coquille: Prisonnier politique en Syrie. Traduction Stéphanie
Dujols. Arles: Actes Sud, 2007.]
By Shareah Taleghani
In 2001, following the release of several hundred political prisoners, the Syrian
government ordered the closure of its most notorious detention center—Tadmur Military
Prison.

Located in the desert near the ancient site of Palmyra and originally built by the
French Mandate authorities, Tadmur has been described as a “kingdom of death and
madness” by Syrian poet Faraj Bayraqdar and the “absolute prison” by dissident Yassin
al-Haj Salih.

The abject conditions of torture, daily degradation, and arbitrary execution
which prisoners experienced there were the subject of intense scrutiny by both
international and local human rights organizations throughout the 1980s and up until its
doors were finally closed almost eight years ago. The site of a massacre of suspected
members of the Muslim Brotherhood in 1980, Tadmur, according to a 2001 report by
Amnesty International, was and is “synonymous with suffering”.
In the recent proliferation of contemporary Syrian prison literature, most narrative
accounts of prisoners’ experiences of surviving the conditions of Tadmur have been
circulated in the form of testimonials and memoirs.

Aside from a website dedicated to testimonies of former Tadmur prisoners, Muhammad Salim Hammad’s prison memoir
Tadmur: Shahid wa-Mashhud [Witness and Witnessed] recounts in linear and
chronological fashion his experience of detention and torture at the prison as a suspected
member of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Faraj Bayraqdar’s own poetic prison memoir
Khiyanat al-Lugha wa al-Samt [The Betrayals of Language and Silence] (2005) dedicates
an entire chapter to what he calls “Tadmuriat”—brief, disjointed fragments of
descriptions of terrifying events and moments he witnessed while detained at the
infamous prison—moments that appear to escape the possibility of representation
because they are “beyond surrealism”.
Mustafa Khalifa’s recently published work al-Qawqa’a [The Shell] (2008) is one of the
first novels dedicated to the story of a detainee’s imprisonment in Tadmur. Detained
himself from 1982 to 1994, the author presents the story of a seemingly apolitical
protagonist who returns to his homeland after studying film in Paris and is arbitrarily
detained.

Musa is arrested upon arriving at the airport, brutally tortured at an
interrogation center of the military security service, mistakenly placed with detainees
who are members of or suspected members of the Muslim Brotherhood, and then sent to
the “desert prison”.

He will not learn what precise crime he had been accused of until
close to the time of his release. Like many prisoners, Musa discovers and masters the
skill of oral composition and memorization. He has no paper and no pen. But throughout
his detention, in his mind, he composes his diaries, memorizes them word by word and
sentence by sentence, and retains each entry in his memory until he is eventually able to
record them on paper after his release. Except for the very beginning, the novel is
composed of these dated entries—some just a day or two apart and some separated by
several months. Each entry contains parenthetical observations—editorial comments or
additions that the narrator makes to his own memorized composition, seemingly at a later
point in time.
Musa is never sentenced by a court, and he is never placed on trial, but he will spend
twelve years in the desert prison. He is however, sentenced to silence by his fellow
detainees, when he is overheard telling his torturers that first, he is a Christian and then
declaring himself an atheist and therefore in no way affiliated with the Muslim
Brotherhood.

Ostracized completely by the rest of the inmates in his mahja’ (dormitory
or communal cell), he describes himself as withdrawing into his shell. The subtitle of the
novel is “diary of a secret observer” (yawmiat mutalassis).

Musa is constantly “peering”
or “creeping out of” his shell; he listens attentively, meticulously observes, and diligently
records all of the horrors he witnesses in the prison. From the beginning of his enforced
sojourn in detention, his life is threatened not only by the brutality of daily forms of
torture and degradation, but by the Islamist extremists in his cell who believe that he
should be executed as an unbeliever.

Rescued and then protected by the moderate
pacifist Shaykh Darwish and a physician who treated the wounds afflicted by his torture,
Dr. Zahi, he nonetheless remains isolated for ten years. No one will speak to him
because he is impure—this silencing imposed not just by his jailors but by his fellow
inmates mimics the muting of thousands of political prisoners who passed through
Tadmur and other sites in Syria’s infamous carceral archipelago who have never been
able to tell their stories.
Nonetheless, Musa speaks through his diary, and in doing so, he introduces his reader to a
gruesome lexicon of torture and detention. He tells of the “reception” the prisoners
receive upon their arrival to the prison: each is forced to drink the putrid filthy water
from a sewage drain. Those who resist are beaten to death. Those who drink are treated
to more torture or “hospitality” as the guards call it.

Day after day, the torture continues.
Daily activities can bring arbitrary death. He describes the “breather” or break where
prisoners are routinely whipped, lashed, and beaten. He recounts how prisoners were not
allowed to raise their eyes towards their jailors. He recollects the warden coming into the
cell and randomly executing fourteen of his cellmates because of a threat he received in
the outside world.

He witnesses the weekly execution and trials of inmates in the
courtyard through a tiny hole he discovers in the wall of his communal cell. He also
methodically describes daily aspects of prison life—surviving the baths, illicit prayers,
the confining, airless dimensions of the mahja’, the brutal shaving of prisoners heads and
faces, the secret forms of communication between prison cells, the innovative modes
prisoners use to treat the sick and wounded when deprived of medical care, and the
myriad forms of resistance that detainees develop despite the ever looming threat of
death.
Musa will remain in complete isolation from his cellmates for ten years. After nearly a
decade, he is once again confronted by an extremist calling for Musa’s trial, judgment,
and execution by the other prisoners; finally, he breaks his silence and vocally confronts
his would-be executioner.

From that moment, he becomes intimate friends with Nasim—
an inmate who was detained as a hostage due to his brother’s affiliation with the Muslim
Brotherhood.

Like others, Nasim will eventually suffer a breakdown; his dissent into
madness occurs when three brothers are executed after their father was promised that the
youngest would be spared. Abruptly, in twelfth year of detention, Musa is transferred
from the prison back to the military interrogation center.

He learns that his influential
uncle has been attempting to obtain his release. But before he is actually freed, he will be
interrogated in three different branches of the security services because he refuses to
confess to belonging to any political organization, to write a thank you letter to the Syrian
president for his release, or to renounce involvement in politics.
After his release, Musa returns to his family home that he inherited from his father and
lives with his niece and her family. Despite family pressure to marry and to work, he
does neither. He isolates himself from the world around him. Eventually, he learns that
Nasim as well as others he was imprisoned with have been released. Nasim, however,
has never recovered from his breakdown, and takes his own life in front of Musa after a
brief reunion of former cellmates.

At the end of the novel, there is no sense of
celebratory liberation for Musa. Instead, noting that he has never truly been released
from prison, he describes himself as having lost the ability to communicate, as perceiving
an insurmountable abyss between himself and all others, and as carrying a grave within
himself. Rather than creep out of his “shell” to watch and record what is happening
around him, he remarks: “I do not want to look outside. I close its holes in order to turn
my gaze entirely to the inside, to me, to my self”.
Narrated in stark, simple language, the basic plot of The Shell, along with the framing
device of a prison journal, will be familiar to readers of prison literature. Khalifa’s direct,
documentary style lacks elements of formal experimentation seen in other recent works
of Syrian prison literature such as the fragmented, stream of consciousness narration in
Hasiba ‘Abdalrahman’s prison novel Al-Sharnaqa [The Cocoon] (1999) or Malik
Daghastani’s Duwar al-Hurriya [The Vertigo of Freedom] (2002).

However, the
absence of experiment with form in the text does not detract from impact of the narrative
on the reader. The history of Tadmur Military Prison, the stories of the human lives
detained and lost inside its walls, are still in the process of being written, and Mustafa
Khalifa’s The Shell marks a significant contribution to the beginning of that process.
Shareah Taleghani is a PhD candidate in modern Arabic literature in the Dept. of Middle
Eastern and Islamic Studies at New York University. She is completing her dissertation
on the relationships between contemporary Syrian and Arabic prison literature, human
rights discourse, and literary experimentalism.

Source : http://www.scpss.org/libs/spaw/uploads/files/English%20Content/Books/TheShell.pdf

My testimony to the Committee Against Torture in Geneva about torture in Sednaya Prison

I was beaten while being questioned by State Security Intelligence, Branch No. 285 (based in Damascus). The interrogator slapped and punched me several times, and I was forced to stand, blindfolded with my hands cuffed behind my back, for the entire three-hour interrogation.  The interrogator more than once threatened to use the “tire” on me and whip me. When I refused to answer some questions, I was made to kneel down on my knees.

Prisoners arrive at the Sednaya Prison cuffed and blindfolded, having no idea where the security truck is taking them as they leave the detention centre. Prisoners are usually transferred in groups. After I reached the prison, I was thrown in a solitary cell; it was smaller than I was and I could not stretch out. The cell was two floors underground, dark with no light, measuring about 160 by 180 cm. It contained a detached toilet about halfway up the wall. The cell smelled awful and filth was everywhere.

The next day, food was distributed. Through holes in the door, I saw rations in front of each cell for four people. It later turned out that the two solitary cells facing mine and next to me held four individuals—four people packed into the same space that was confining for me alone.

In the evening, I heard the First Aide to the Director of the Shift Guard tell the guards not to touch me, since I was connected to the press and appear on television. He told them that the prison director explicitly stated that “we don’t want problems with this prisoner.”

Groups of prisoners began arriving in the next few days. I spent 55 days in that cell during which two groups of prisoners arrived, each one numbering seven to ten people. Three prisoners arrived individually.

The guards began screaming, “They’ve brought them, they’ve brought them! May God send good fortune, bring the tire.” Prisoners arrived to the hall, lined on both sides by solitary cells like mine. More than ten guards arrived with a major from the Military Police, which runs the Sednaya Prison. The guards began beating the prisoners using rubber car tires. The prisoner would lie on his back and bend his legs, after which the tire would be put around his legs. Then the prisoner would be turned face down and a guard would stand on his back to prevent him from moving. Other guards would then whip the soles of his feet, and the screams would grow louder. The whipping was done with a very thick piece of rubber, probably an engine belt from a large machine.

The guards beat the prisoners—at the very least, each prisoner got more than 50 lashes. During the whipping, a guard would stand on the prisoner’s back to prevent him from moving and the major would make fun of the prisoners as they were being tortured. This is a verbatim dialogue of the conversation between the major and a prisoner undergoing torture:

Major: What do you do?

Prisoner: I’m a farmer.

Major: So you know what a tractor sounds like.

Prisoner: Yes sir, I know.

Major: So let’s see. Make me the sound of a tractor or else the beating won’t stop.

Prisoner: I swear, I don’t know how, sir.

Major: You don’t know, or you forgot?

Prisoner: I forgot, I forgot the sound.

Major to the guards: So remind him (an order to whip him).

The guards gave him more than 20 lashes and the prisoner screamed.

The major stopped the guards and asked the prisoner: So, have you remembered?

Prisoner: Yes, yes, I’ve remembered.

Major: So do it, make the sound of a tractor.

The prisoner began making a tractor-like sound while the major and guards laughed for five minutes.

The major ordered the prisoner to be quiet: So, you remembered quite well. Now c’mon, make him forget

the sound again.

He ordered a new round of beating and the guards gave him more than 20 lashes.

At this point, another prisoner had nearly passed out from his own screaming. The major stopped the

guards and threw water on the prisoner’s face.

Major: Are you okay?

Prisoner: If you want to whip me, whip me, but don’t let anyone stand on my back. I swear, I can’t

breathe.

Instead of stopping the torture, the major followed his wishes and he was whipped without having a guard stand on his back to restrain him. This torture session lasted more than two and a half hours, after which the prisoners were stuffed four in a cell, as small as mine.

The second group of prisoners was larger. This time a different officer, a captain, came, but the captain also kept his sense of humor while torturing the prisoners.

During the whippings, he would ask the guards to stop and then order the prisoner restrained by the car tire to sing. He would say, “Sing this song by so-and-so,” and then later the singing would be used to justify more torture. The captain would scream, “Shut up! Shut up! Your voice is disgusting. Give me a scream instead of a song,” and then he would gesture at the guards to resume the whipping.

Later the captain would order the prisoner to bark, howl, or make other animal sounds. After one prisoner began howling like a dog at the captain’s order, the captain shouted at the guards, “I told you he’s a dog. Go ahead and beat him.” The guards then began beating him again.

This torture session lasted more than three hours, after which the prisoners were placed in solitary cells like mine.

Three prisoners arrived individually, not part of groups. The three were severely beaten. Apparently, if a prisoner arrives by himself, it gives the guards more time to be creative with the beating.

One prisoner, Khidr Abdullah Ramadan, reached the Sednaya Prison on about April 18, 2006, after being held for 70 days at a military detention branch run by Military Intelligence.

The prisoner was placed in the “tire” and four guards began whipping him. They competed to see who could cause him the most pain, who could make him scream more. I started to count the lashes until I reached 58 and then stopped when I realized that the session would be a long one. During the whipping, the guards began getting inventing new methods, like jumping up in the air and then bring the whip down on the prisoner’s feet. After whipping for more than 30 minutes, by four guards together, they couldn’t find any empty space in any cell. They sent for the first aide and he came. They told him there was no other place but with the journalist, meaning me. The aide vehemently refused and insisted on stuffing the prisoner into any other cell. At that point, one of the guards said, “We’ve got 131 prisoners in 31 solitary [cells], where should we go with him, sir?”

The aide opened the door of my cell, came up to me, and said, “Look, we didn’t treat you like the rest. We’re treating you much better. You know that. This prisoner’s going to share your cell. Talk is prohibited. If anything happens, it’s him we’ll beat. We’ll torture him very badly, and it’ll be on your conscience.”

The young man, his head completely shaved, was brought into my cell, which was too small for just me alone. The guards forced him to jog for a half hour so the blood wouldn’t clot on his feet. They kept saying, “Trot, you animal.”I carried the young man to the toilet for three days after that since he could not stand on his feet.

Abdullah, my cellmate, told me terrifying stories about the torture he had seen at the military interrogation center in Damascus. He had spent 70 days there in a group cell. He said that he wasn’t beaten at all at the branch, but that every day a prisoner would be taken in for interrogation and would be brought back bleeding on a blanket. The thing he most remembered was one prisoner who was severely injured by the torture. After he was carried on the military blanket and thrown down by the soldiers, he didn’t stop bleeding. The prisoners started screaming that he would die. The soldiers came back with some gauze and disinfectant and threw them through the small slot in the door of the cell and told the prisoners to clean up his wounds.

Often the soldiers, the prison guards at the Sednaya Prison, would force the prisoners to make sport. A guard would open the small slot in the cell door and order the prisoners to lie down, stand up, jog, or jump, knowing that the cell wasn’t big enough for even one prisoner to do this.

In some cases, the prisoners would bang on the cell door. When the guard would ask who it was, the prisoner had to answer with his cell number; the use of names was prohibited. Most often, the prisoners asked for water. The water in the cells had been cut off and was turned on for only ten minutes three times a day. When the water was turned on, the guards would tell the prisoners to fill their plastic containers or to use the toilet.

The scarcity of water was a big problem in the Sednaya Prison. I spent 55 days in that filthy cell, bathing only once. Prisoners began scratching themselves. The guards were worried and sent for the prison doctor an officer at the rank of first lieutenant, who diagnosed the problem as scabies. He ordered the guards to distribute a gallon of hot water to every prisoner, and he gave them a disinfectant solution which they put in the water. That was the only time I bathed.

After that, I spent 18 days in a group cell on the third floor, measuring 9 by 6 meters. It was very large. I was placed in there with my father, the writer Ali al-Abdullah, who told me about cases that were totally like what I had seen.

In the two months we spent there together, I learned for certain that as soon as any prisoner arrives to the Sednaya Prison, he is greeted the same way, in what is known as a welcoming party, or the welcoming tire. The beating is very severe, after which he is placed in a solitary cell with three other prisoners for up to one full year, during which time he does not breathe, or see light or sunshine. He only bathes if the doctor orders it, fearing the spread of scabies or other skin diseases.

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