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Syria

The truth of Syrian opposition is lost in the media’s narrative of hate

July 3, 2012

As conspiracy theorists of the left and right muddy the waters with lies and half-truths, as they continue their exclusive focus on the peripheral and utter disregard for the actual, the voices of the Syrians themselves are drowned out. Jadaliyya deserves credit for giving space to these voices and shedding light on the human dimension of the conflict. Amal Hanano is the most compelling of these voices. Here’s from ‘One Year of Hope‘. (I’m borrowing the above title from my good friend Phil Weiss).

The enemy was not one man or even his regime. As questionable motives emerged regionally and internationally, it became very clear that there were no real friends of Syria. As we fought each other, we fought a world that insisted on telling us who we were. Suddenly, everyone was an expert on Syria. Opportunistic pundits sucked the Syrian narrative like leeches, dispensing complex conspiracies, warning of the regional and global political interests at stake while belittling the people’s struggle. Opportunism seeped into the Syrian opposition as well: they splintered into rivaling groups, each betraying the other to prove itself worthy of the Syrian street’s loyalty but in the end, their divisiveness rendered the groups unworthy and incapable of defending those blood-soaked streets. The truth of Syria was lost somewhere in the middle of an axis between east and west, right and left, Sunnis and minorities, along fault lines we had never asked to define us, but they did.

There were other Syrian stories hidden from the stark black-and-white sectarianism and sweeping generalizations repeated over and over in the media — not just of Christian and Alawite revolutionaries, not just of the silent betrayal of Sunni business men in Damascus and Aleppo. Stories from Baba Amr of opposition families who delivered pots of home-cooked meals to sympathetic soldiers at checkpoints and received the pots later, filled with bullets. Or stories of guards who promised prisoners that they would not follow their orders of torture. Or stories of Alawite youth driving through regime checkpoints with bottles of alcohol on the dashboard as decoys only to unload trunks filled with medical supplies to field clinics. These slices of daily interactions between the Syrian people never made it into the “news.” They didn’t fit the narrative of hate we were supposed to follow.

[…]

What I learned hardened and softened me. There were things I will never recover from, like knowing that certain words I had told citizen journalist Rami al-Sayed were the same words he asked never to hear again in the final message he wrote hours before he was killed in Homs. Things I will never forget, like the emails I used to receive from the irreplaceable voice of truth that was silenced forever. Things that I will never get used to, like the sounds of weeping men I have never met, who told me, Amal, I miss my brother, my friend, my father. I learned how to talk about death without cringing and how to say goodbye without crying, how to soothe an activist as he mourned his dead friends while in my heart I was selfishly relieved that death had not claimed him. Not this time.

I began with Hope. But the definition of hope itself had become narrower and smaller. Hope in Syria had become relative. Hope, was that the number of dead today would be smaller than yesterday’s. Hope, was that the knife’s blade was so sharp that the child felt only fear but not pain when it sliced her neck open. Hope, was that a falling mortar ripped apart only stone but spared human flesh. Hope was that the young men whose charred bodies haunted me in my sleep were already dead from torture before they were set aflame.

And as March 15, 2012 rolled by, it seemed every few days brought yet another anniversary, death days instead of birthdays. We relived what had happened one year before as the day brought its fresh casualties — names we would carefully record to celebrate next year. The revolution is now caught between past and present — its recorded memory is written, photographed, and videotaped as if we now fear forgetting as much as we used to fear speaking.

And we knit, together, Syria’s bloody destiny, every murder intertwined with injustice, every revenge a setback, every chant a victory. Our revolution began in a moment of indignity and humiliation too great to bear, like Dickens’ French peasant child crushed under the wheels of nobility. But it also revealed what we had concealed as a people for decades. Our ultimate fear was not the fear of the unknown, or even the fear of tyranny. It was the fear of exposing what we had tried to hide, the universal truth that everyone tries to hide, but this time in history, it was Syria’s lot to rip itself apart and have its secrets revealed to a silently observing, judgmental world: that the best and the worst, wisdom and foolishness, belief and incredulity, light and darkness, the spring of hope and the winter of despair, exist together. Within us all.

Anthony Shadid knew this very well. He knew it is impossible to mend what was left of our country until we found a way to become greater than the sum of our battling contradictions. He knew we had nothing left but our limitless imaginations that were still in chains though we struggled to break free. Our Syria hovers between heaven and earth, oscillates between dreams and nightmares, it moves from revolution to war, from a once promising spring to yet another cruel summer, but despite it all, we hope.

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Syria Spirals down

Posted on 07/03/2012 by Juan Cole

The news out of Syria is bad and worse. The regime is being accused of widespread torture, and it is having to fight the rebels on the doorstep of the capital.

Human Rights Watch has mapped out the torture centers used by the Syrian government and identified the various techniques used on dissidents by the secret police. SMH has a good summary. Human Rights Watch says that the evidence is strong that the Syrian state is systematically practicing torture on a significant scale, and points out that this policy is a crime against humanity.

The Syrian military deployed helicopter gunships against Douma on Monday, a town on the outskirts of the capital, Damascus. Syrian troops had already stormed the town and there were bodies in the street, so the helicopters were involved in a mop-up operation.

In a one-day record, some 85 Syrian military personnel escaped to Turkey Monday, along with 300 family members. Six were officers, and one was a brigadier general (a one-star in American terms, i.e. not very high ranking).

Also on Monday, a television anchor for the regime news channel defected, and revealed that he had been for some time providing the opposition with the raw news stories

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Syria | Douma 29 June12 Aftermath of the Massacre in Al-Hamdan Hospital

[youtube http://youtu.be/P9cvUV7UQnw?]

Syria: Torture Centers Revealed

For 27 Detention Sites: Locations, Commanders’ Names, Torture Methods
JULY 3, 2012
RELATED MATERIALS:

(New York) – Former detainees and defectors have identified the locations, agencies responsible, torture methods used, and, in many cases, the commanders in charge of 27 detention facilities run by Syrian intelligence agencies, Human Rights Watch said in a multimedia report released today. The systematic patterns of ill-treatment and torture that Human Rights Watch documented clearly point to a state policy of torture and ill-treatment and therefore constitute a crime against humanity.

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The 81-page report, “Torture Archipelago: Arbitrary Arrests, Torture and Enforced Disappearances in Syria’s Underground Prisons since March 2011” is based on more than 200 interviews conducted by Human Rights Watch since the beginning of anti-government demonstrations in Syria in March 2011. The report includes maps locating the detention facilities, video accounts from former detainees, andsketches of torture techniques described by numerous people who witnessed or experienced torture in these facilities.

“The intelligence agencies are running an archipelago of torture centers scattered across the country,” said Ole Solvang, emergencies researcher at Human Rights Watch. “By publishing their locations, describing the torture methods, and identifying those in charge we are putting those responsible on notice that they will have to answer for these horrific crimes.”

Click to view in-depth, satellite images of the torture centers in the following cities: Damascus,HomsIdlibAleppoDaraa, and Latakia.

[youtube http://youtu.be/5lr-dcHOtzo?]

Human Rights Watch called on the United Nations Security Council to refer the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and to adopt targeted sanctions against officials credibly implicated in the abuses.

The facilities cited in the report are those for which multiple witnesses have indicated the same location and provided detailed descriptions of torture. The actual number of detention facilities used by intelligence agencies is probably much higher.

Almost all the former detainees interviewed by Human Rights Watch said they had been subjected to torture or witnessed the torture of others during their detention. Interrogators, guards, and officers used a broad range of torture methods, including prolonged beatings, often with objects such as batons and cables, holding the detainees in painful stress positions for prolonged periods of time, the use of electricity, burning with acid, sexual assault and humiliation, the pulling of fingernails, and mock execution. Altogether Human Rights Watch documented more than 20 distinct torture methods used by the security and intelligence services.

In most cases former detainees were subjected to a range of these torture methods. A 31-year-old detainee who was detained in Idlib governorate in June described to Human Rights Watch how the intelligence agencies tortured him in the Idlib Central Prison:

They forced me to undress. Then they started squeezing my fingers with pliers. They put staples in my fingers, chest and ears. I was only allowed to take them out if I spoke. The staples in the ears were the most painful. They used two wires hooked up to a car battery to give me electric shocks. They used electric stun-guns on my genitals twice. I thought I would never see my family again. They tortured me like this three times over three days.

While most of the torture victims interviewed by Human Rights Watch were young men between 18 and 35, the victims interviewed also included children, women, and the elderly.

Human Rights Watch research shows that the worst torture has taken place in detention facilities run by the country’s four main intelligence agencies, commonly referred to collectively as the mukhabarat:

  • The Department of Military Intelligence (Shu`bat al-Mukhabarat al-`Askariyya);
  • The Political Security Directorate (Idarat al-Amn al-Siyasi);
  • The General Intelligence Directorate (Idarat al-Mukhabarat al-`Amma); and
  • The Air Force Intelligence Directorate (Idarat al-Mukhabarat al-Jawiyya).

Each of these four agencies maintains central branches in Damascus as well as regional, city, and local branches across the country. In virtually all of these branches there are detention facilities of varying size.

All of the witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch described detention conditions that would by themselves amount to ill-treatment and, in some cases, torture – extreme overcrowding, inadequate food, and routine denial of necessary medical assistance. A graphic model depicting an overcrowded cell described by one former detainee illustrates how the conditions fall short of international legal standards.


Diagrams produced by SITU Studio and Forensic Architecture, an ERC-funded project.

The individuals who carried out or ordered crimes against humanity bear individual criminal responsibility under international law, as do those in a position of command whose subordinates committed  crimes that they were aware of or should have been aware of and failed to prevent or punish. This command responsibility would apply not only to the officials overseeing detention facilities, but also to the heads of intelligence agencies, members of government, and the head of state, President Bashar al-Assad.

Because Syria has not ratified the Rome Statute, which created the ICC, the court will only have jurisdiction if the UN Security Council adopts a resolution referring the situation in Syria to the court. Russia and China have previously blocked Security Council efforts to push for accountability.

“The reach and inhumanity of this network of torture centers are truly horrific,” Solvang said. “Russia should not be holding its protective hand over the people who are responsible for this.”

A table with the detention facilities where torture was documented, along with their respective locations, operating agencies, and commanders follows.

Agency Name of Branch City Head of Branch
Military Intelligence Branch 215 Damascus Brig. Gen. Sha’afiq
Military Intelligence Branch 227 Damascus Maj. Gen. RustomGhazali
Military Intelligence Branch 291 Damascus Brig. Gen. BurhanQadour (Replaced Brig. Gen. Yousef Abdou in May 2012)
Military Intelligence Branch 235 (“Palestine”) Damascus Brig. Gen. Muhammad Khallouf
Military Intelligence Branch 248 Damascus Not identified
Military Intelligence Branch 245 Daraa Col. Loaial-Ali
Military Intelligence Aleppo Branch Aleppo Not identified
Military Intelligence Branch 271 Idlib Brig. Gen. Nawfel al-Hussein
Military Intelligence Homs Branch Homs Muhammad Zamreni
Military Intelligence Latakia Branch Latakia Not identified
Air Force Intelligence Mezzeh Airport Branch Damascus Brig. Gen. Abdul Salam Fajr Mahmoud (director of investigative branch)
Air Force Intelligence Bab Touma Branch Damascus Not identified
Air Force Intelligence Homs Branch Homs Brig. Gen. Jawdat al-Ahmed
Air Force Intelligence Daraa branch Daraa Col. QusayMihoub
Air Force Intelligence Latakia Branch Latakia Col. Suhail Al-Abdullah
Political Security Mezzeh Branch Damascus Not identified
Political Security Idlib Branch Idlib Not identified
Political Security Homs Branch Homs Not identified
Political Security Latakia Branch Latakia Not identified
Political Security Daraa Branch Daraa Not identified
General Intelligence Latakia Branch Latakia Brig. Gen. KhudrKhudr
General Intelligence Branch 285 Damascus Brig. Gen. Ibrahim Ma’ala (Replaced Brig. Gen. HussamFendi in late 2011)
General Intelligence Al-Khattib Branch Damascus Not identified
General Intelligence Aleppo Branch Aleppo Not identified
General Intelligence Branch 318 Homs Brig. Gen. Firas Al-Hamed
General Intelligence Idlib Branch Idlib Not identified
Joint Central Prison – Idlib Idlib Not identified

Syrian regime TV reporter defects

Ghatan Sleiba, from the pro-Assad al-Dunya channel, says he has been providing intelligence to the rebels for months

Ghatan Sleiba

Ghatan Sleiba, says opposition fighters are in control of much of eastern Syria. Photograph: Guardian

A presenter from the Syrian regime’s main television channel has defected to the opposition and revealed he has secretly provided intelligence to rebels for the past seven months.

Ghatan Sleiba, a long-time anchor and reporter for the al-Dunya channel and a contributor to the state-owned station al-Akhbariya, is believed to be the first high-profile defector from Damascus’s powerful propaganda arm. “I am the first and I will probably be the last,” he said in an interview with the Guardian in southern Turkey.

“There are some others who also want to run, but there are more who love the regime from the depths of their hearts,” he said.

Turkey’s state-run news agency reported that nearly 300 Syrians – including 85 soldiers – defected to Turkey on Monday.

Sleiba, 33, arrived in Turkey last Wednesday after a long journey from Hassaka in eastern Syria, where he had been responsible for coverage of the east of the country. He is now being hosted by rebel groups.

He claimed opposition guerillas were now in quasi-control of much of the east, especially the countryside surrounding major towns and cities.

“This is one of the things that they never wanted us to talk about. What we were doing was not reporting. It was simply acting as the tongue of the regime. I stayed as long as I could to help the revolutionaries, but I couldn’t take it any more.

Al-Dunya is part-owned and supervised by Bashar al-Assad’s maternal cousin Rami Makhlouf, a key member of the inner sanctum. It has pushed the official narrative that the Syrian uprising is a plot by the west and key Sunni Arab powers to use al-Qaida-linked insurgents to overthrow the regime.

Sleiba said that before interviews he regularly gave people answers to questions he was about to ask them. “Those answers and the subjects of things to talk about were given to us by the head of the Ba’ath party in the area, or by the political security division.”

He said he first developed doubts about the official version of events about two months into the uprising, which started in March last year. “Many of us knew then that it wasn’t terrorists they were fighting. It was people wanting their rights. But it was very difficult to do anything about it. We have families and we need to protect them.”

Last November he made contact with the Free Syria Army, first near Hassaka and then in Turkey, telling both groups that he wanted to flee. “They told me that I was more use to them if I stayed in my job. And so from then on we talked on Skype and I told them what I could about regime and military movements.”

Sleiba accused regime intelligence units in the east of sending a gang to maim him with a knife and rob him of more than $2,000 (£1,300), then blame the attack on the rebels. “I know who did this to me,” he said pointing to a deep gouge on his forehead. “The Free Syria Army needs to win people’s confidence in our area and they have done that. We know who their members and their commanders are and they did not do this, no way. It was the regime.”

Sleiba said he was now looking for a job with an opposition television channel, something he concedes will be difficult, if first contact with suspicious reporters is anything to go by.

“When I got here, I met a guy from al-Jazeera and he said I was a government spy with a psychological problem. But people will soon learn that the truth is a powerful thing and that is why I am here.”

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The Syrian civilians who became rebel fighters

Rebels in Idlib (Photo by Darren Conway) Recruits of the Free Syrian Army have had to learn quickly

As the conflict in Syria escalates, rebel forces are growing in strength and launching increasingly deadly attacks on government targets. But how do men go from “ordinary” life to combat, from grilling kebabs to building bombs in the back yard? From Idlib, the BBC’s Ian Pannell reports.

Omar has not been lucky. A large man with a shaggy beard and tight curly black hair, he emigrated to Libya to set up a kebab restaurant. It did well so he set up another one.

Then last year the Libyan revolution erupted and one restaurant was destroyed by Nato bombing, the other by Colonel Gaddafi’s forces.

So he packed up his bags and brought his family back to his native Syria. The country was already in the throes of protests calling for change.

But as the government began to physically suppress its opponents so those calls became increasingly vociferous, by stages morphing into armed insurrection.

Like many men in his neighbourhood, he had not held a weapon since his two years national service.

But as the violence began to spiral, mechanics, shopkeepers and chefs like Omar took up arms, forming the rebel Free Syrian Army. He became a marked man and as government forces advanced he was forced to run away again, abandoning yet another business.

Olive groves

Over a lunch of salad, pitta bread, yoghurt and hummus, Omar draws a crowd in the kitchen as he effortlessly skins a tomato in one piece, expertly folding it into a decorative rose, his hands a blur as he chops cucumbers and fragrant mint leaves.

Omar, a rebel, planting an IED in Idlib, Syria (Picture by Darren Conway) Fighters like Omar see the home-made bombs as legitimate weapons

We talk about the differences between the two countries.

“In Libya you could talk about anything but not politics,” he says. “In Syria you could talk about anything but not the Assad family.”

It underlines the extent to which this has become a very personal struggle, not just against the Baath Party and Syrian government but also against President Bashar al-Assad and the family that has kept a tight grip on the country’s power and resources for more than four decades.

Continue reading the main story

“Start Quote

We build bombs because they give us strength”

Omar Rebel fighter

It has also become a violent struggle. Today Omar lives in a farmhouse, hidden amongst the vast olive groves in the north of the country. He doesn’t make kebabs anymore, he plants IEDs, improvised explosive devices. In other words, home-made bombs.

“Offence is the best defence,” he says, explaining a tactic that many find repugnant. The very letters I-E-D are redolent of the Taliban in Afghanistan or al-Qaeda in Iraq. For some Syrians, and certainly the Assad government, these men are simply terrorists.

But with little support from the outside world and just a small quantity of arms and ammunition now crossing the Turkish border, the fighters see the home-made bombs as legitimate weapons.

Fighting between rebels and government forces appears to be intensifying in Idlib, as Ian Pannell explains in this recent report

“We are weak,” he says. “We build bombs because they give us strength.” And he insists they only attack the army, not civilians.

We spent nearly two weeks with Omar and the self-styled Idlib Martyrs Brigade; men who regard themselves as freedom fighters, a latter-day band of merry men with Bassel Abu Abdu, their commander, as some sort of Robin Hood figure.

Braveheart

Curiously, in this corner of Syria, this very English folk tale of a group of outlaws taking on a wicked overlord and defending ordinary people has gripped the popular imagination.

And they certainly have some magnetism as they move through the countryside, drawing crowds of admiring children, grateful residents offering tea and bread.

Rebel commander Bassel Abu Abdu in Idlib (Photo by Darren Conway) Bassel Abu Abdu, the group’s commander, used to sell spare car parts

Bassel leads hundreds of fighters. Like Omar, he has only limited military experience.

He used to sell spare car parts. But they have fought endless battles over the last year and have grown stronger and smarter all the time. Bassel also confesses that he draws inspiration from war movies.

I ask him which film in particular. He says he cannot remember the title and apologises because it is the story of a battle against the English.

He describes a strong leader hundreds of years ago, who took on a much stronger army, fighting for independence for his people. The film, of course, is Braveheart, the story of William Wallace, a 13th Century Scottish hero who fought for the independence of Scotland.

But the terrifying reality on the ground is not the stuff of romantic tales or historical drama.

It has become a seething mire of violence and bloodshed. Artillery shells destroying homes and lives, tank rounds blasting into villages, gunfire and bomb explosions.

Whatever the rights and wrongs or reasons, both sides are now locked into a fight to the death. Both sides believe they have right on their side, that the ends justify the means, and they are willing to do almost anything to win.

How to listen to From Our Own Correspondent:

BBC Radio 4: A 30-minute programme on Saturdays, 11:30 BST.

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Malek Jandali Liberty or Death مالك جندلي الموت ولا المذلة

Dedicated to the courageous Syrian noble in their historic peaceful revolution against the brutal regime of dictator Bashar Al-Assad and their noble cause for freedom and human rights.

Who is the Syrian ?

The great Syrian writer Zakaria Tamer posted the text below on his FaceBook site last week — I (umm nuwâs at Walls )translated it into English:

Who are you?

Who is the Syrian?
The Syrian is an unknown citizen, he did not become famous for having chosen death, prison, endurance to the point of martyrdom and self-abasement that lead to freedom. The Syrian is a citizen living outside Syria and a citizen living within its borders readying himself to leave as soon as he is able, and that which unites Syrians in and outside Syria is a loathing of dictators and their regimes from A to Z.

The little one is eaten and the big one is eaten

The great thief devoured many little thieves , and the people exchanged satisfied glances, and they whispered in hushed voices: Justice always comes late, and the big thief will be swallowed up by an even bigger thief, and the biggest thief will be swallowed up by the blood of the martyrs.

The blind men

Sheikh Mahmoud told his young pupils to go to the window and to look at the sky from there, so the pupils rushed to the window, and Sheikh Mahmoud asked them:
“What do you see in the sky?”
The pupils said “An airplane flying.”
Sheikh Mahmoud said “You see very well! What else do you see?”
The pupils said “We see some clouds, and a sun.”
Then Sheikh Mahmoud said, questioning them insistently: “What else do you see besides the sun, the clouds, and the airplane?”
So the pupils stared at the sky, and then they said, sure of themselves, “Nothing, besides the sun and the clouds, because the airplane has disappeared.”
Then Sheikh Mahmoud said to them, in an angry voice: “You are worthless! It is as if I were teaching blind men who notice nothing!”
And when the little pupils left the school, they walked along the street feeling as if they were blind beggars knocking on all the doors for alms, but no door opened for them, and they looked up at the sky, but they saw nothing but the clouds and the sun.

What is left

Each writer is what he writes, and that’s all, neither more nor less, and any other noise he makes has no more value than grains of sand piled onto other grains of sand. Today there are writers who fill the public forums of Syria sighing and moaning about their support for the revolutions, but all that they wrote before the revolution was no more than whispers and suggestions in locked bedrooms where women are preparing to undress, for they wrote nothing and demanded nothing.

Don’t be timid!

The writer: I’m going to write about the growing number of beggars, and I will give the reasons for that with an in-depth analysis.
The pen: Why don’t you write about those men whose timidity keeps them from joining forces with the beggars?

The Tadmor prison massacre anniversary

The Tadmor “Palmyra ” Prison Massacre (Syria) occurred on 27 June 1980, the day after a failed attempt to assassinate Syrian president Hafez al-Assad. Tadmor Prison was one of the main prisons in Syria that was holding political opponents of Assad’s regime. In retaliation to this assassination attempt, members of the units of the Defense Companies, under the personal direction of Rifaat al-Assad, brother of the president, entered into Tadmor Prison and massacred about a thousand prisoners in the cells and the dormitories

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