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Syria

Senior US Official: “Assad probably has the wherewithal to be sitting in the palace for quite some time,”

Friday, June 3, 2011

Hillary Clinton urged other Arab states, Russia and China to join in protesting the violence. But the Obama administration still wasn’t quite ready to give up on Mr. Assad….  For more than two years, Mr. Obama’s foreign-policy team has tried to woo Mr. Assad away from America’s regional nemesis, Iran, and persuade him to resume peace talks with America’s regional friend, Israel. For more than two years, Mr. Assad has frustrated the U.S. with the promise of reform and the practice of repression. At one point Sen. John Kerry, the president’s informal envoy to Mr. Assad, even secretly negotiated an agreement with the Syrians to restart peace talks with Israel, according to people briefed on the matter. Having harbored such lofty aspirations, the Obama administration is finding it hard to cut loose the 45-year-old, London-trained ophthalmologist… …


The Syrian president had suggested to U.S. officials a willingness to break his military alliance with Tehran, forge peace with Israel and diminish Syrian support for the militant groups Hezbollah and Hamas. The White House put in place a foreign-policy team with vast experience dealing with Mr. Assad and his late father, President Hafez al-Assad. And in Mr. Kerry, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, the White House found a key ally in pursuing Mr. Assad: In repeated trips to Damascus, the Massachusetts Democrat had established something approaching a friendship with Mr. Assad.


Mr. Obama quickly ran into opposition from lawmakers who argued that Mr. Assad was only feigning interest in U.S. outreach. Now they worry that the administration has waited too long to seek his ouster. “One of the game-changers for the Middle East is the fall of Assad,” says Sen. John McCain (R., Ariz.). “It’s just baffling to me how it’s not in the U.S.’s interest to seek the removal of Bashar Assad.”…


“He probably has the wherewithal to be sitting in the palace for quite some time,” said a senior administration official.


U.S. relations with Syria were at a low when Mr. Obama took office pledging to re-engage Damascus. The George W. Bush administration had accused Mr. Assad of facilitating the flow of al Qaeda fighters into Iraq … … President Obama’s early signals were mixed. In March of 2009, Messrs. Kerry and Assad and their wives dined together in the ancient heart of Damascus, just down the street from where the head of John the Baptist is thought to be entombed. For hours the men talked bilateral relations and Mideast peace, forging a strong working relationship, according to Syrian officials and congressional aides. Mr. Kerry says he acted independently but coordinated the visit with the White House….


Mr. Kerry, meanwhile, became Mr. Assad’s champion in the U.S., urging lawmakers and policymakers to embrace the Syrian leader as a partner in stabilizing the Mideast. At a dinner in Washington in late 2009, Mr. Kerry described how the Syrian leader bemoaned the growing conservatism in his country. Mr. Assad’s London-born wife, Asma, had to wear a head-scarf when visiting Damascus’s historic Umayyad mosque, while his mother hadn’t decades earlier, Mr. Kerry recounted Syria’s leader saying. “He doesn’t want to lead a religious-based country,” Mr. Kerry told the audience… …


In the second half of last year, Mr. Kerry began shuttling between the Syrians and the Israelis, according to people briefed on the diplomacy. The senator believed the talks were progressing so well that last fall he and Mr. Assad’s aides secretly drafted terms they hoped would allow for the resumption of direct Israeli-Syrian peace talks, according to people familiar with their work. The plan: Israelis would agree to resume talks and commit to returning all Syrian lands seized during the 1967 Six Day War. Mr. Assad would pledge to distance himself from Iran and Hezbollah…. This January, however, the U.S. diplomatic pursuit of Damascus began to fray. American officials and French President Nicolas Sarkozy had pressed Mr. Assad to help stabilize Lebanon. But that month, Hezbollah and Syria’s other Lebanese allies engineered the ouster of Prime Minister Saad Hariri, a close Western ally. Mr. Kerry was booked into Damascus’s Four Seasons Hotel in anticipation of his seventh meeting with the Syrian leader. But days before the senator’s trip, the White House and French government intervened to block the meeting, according to U.S. and European officials. They didn’t want to give Syria’s strongman the stamp of approval that a visit from the powerful senator would imply….”

Posted by G, M, Z, or B

source

Nasrallah Dropped the Ball


Sarakenos

KABOBfest, June 2, 2011When he entered the topic of Syria, Nasrallah was unusually reading verbatim from his notes. Anyone who has routinely watched Nasrallah’s speeches would know it is not his style to read. This is the one and only excuse I could find for him, to explain his incredible hypocrisy and his utter disregard for the thousands of victims detained, tortured, injured, and killed by the Syrian regime these past few months.This is coming from someone who has openly supported Hezbollah and admired its charismatic leader for as long as I can remember. What is it that he owes to the Syrian regime that he had to back-stab the Syrian people? Are they not part of our Ummah (nation), as he himself reiterates? Of course he knows that! Some have argued that he sold out his Syrian brothers and sisters for a greater cause for the Ummah, i.e. by defending the Syrian regime it would somehow, in the long term, prove to save more lives, in addition to our freedom and dignity, than if it falls. But to stand with a tyrannical regime, you have already forsaken all dignity and all freedom.Nasrallah’s words show that he was aware that people would find it hard to buy his defense. At one point he stated that: “When we worry about Syria, we worry about its regime and about its people, not only the regime.” Also, he spent twenty minutes explaining the “elements” that his position of support was based on.

In the first element, he talks about all the gratitude that the Lebanese (and all Arabs in general) owe to the Syrian regime for saving Lebanon from division and stopping the bloodiest civil war in its history. Of course, he conveniently disregards the fact that Syria was part of that civil war which it allegedly helped stop, not to mention the Syrian army’s massacres (which he refers to as mistakes) of Palestinian refugees in the very same years he evokes.

In the second and third elements, he brings up Syria’s position in the region as part of the resistance axis. Does he not know that Syria’s position of so-called resistance is only a political strategy to get a better deal with Israel and the US? Did the Syrian regime not cooperate with the US in hunting down “terrorists” and in securing the Syrian-Iraqi border? Did he forget that it was Hafez al-Assad who refused Jadeed’s directive to intervene in Black September and save the Palestinian guerrilla fighters in Jordan?

In the fourth element, Nasrallah distinguishes the Syrian regime from those of Libya, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, and Tunisia in that the Syrian regime is very serious about reforms and fighting corruption, and therefore they should be given a chance to enact those promised reforms “through dialogue, not clashes.” Well who’s the one rolling tanks into besieged cities, cutting off their water, electricity, and food supplies? Does he not see who’s the one doing the clashing? Of course he does, and that makes him a hypocrite and a liar.

In the fifth element, he affirms that the majority of Syrians (based on trusted information) are still supporting the regime and believe in Bashar’s ability to deliver on his promises for reform. He then asks rhetorically “Who/where are the Syrian people so we can stand by them?”

It is only in the last two elements that he provides the true reason for his support of the Syrian regime: “What happens in Syria has its consequences in Lebanon and the whole region. We must take this into consideration…. Lebanon has commitments and treaties with Syria, starting from Al-Taef Agreement to all other mutual interests.”

Based on these elements, Nasrallah said that the Lebanese are obligated (stressing that this is simply his point of view; that the Lebanese people can choose to disagree) to take the following positions towards what’s happening in Syria:

1. To be assiduous towards the stability and safety of the Syrian regime, army, and people.
2. To invite the Syrians to maintain their country and regime, and to give them the chance to make the necessary reforms, and to choose dialogue over clashes.
3. To abstain, as Lebanese, from interfering with what’s happening in Syria, unless it was a positive interference.
4. To strongly reject any sanctions imposed by America and the West which require Lebanese cooperation. Lebanon should never stab Syria in the back.
5. To work together and cooperate so that Syria can come out of [the crisis] strong and resistant, because that is in the interests of Syria, Lebanon, the Arab world, and the Ummah.

During the entire segment on Syria, which Nasrallah spoke with great enthusiasm and loud voice, there was no applause or cheers from the massive crowd in attendance. Perhaps even the people there thought the same as what many Arabs around the world who love Hezbollah thought: “I wish you did not talk about Syria at all!”

Not even the most cunning Zionist plan could have come up with a way to discredit Nasrallah the way he did to himself! This is a big blow (perhaps the biggest) to his image and influence as the greatest Arab leader since Gamal Abdul-Nasser (some even say since Salahuddin 1000 years ago). Regardless of the disagreements in ideology and the specifics of the overall Arab and Islamic cause, he was loved and supported by millions around the world, up until this speech on May 25, 2011 in commemoration of the liberation of the South of Lebanon. I don’t know how would he recover, unless he comes out in public and apologize for disregarding (and silently supporting) the brutal torture, incarceration, and murder of thousands of Syrians.

As for those Syrians and other Arabs who accuse the Syrian protesters of being part of a Zionist/American plot (thankfully Nasrallah did not openly stoop to that level), since when does peaceful protesting get punished with brutal torture and shots to the head? If you guys wish to support the regime in Syria after all the crimes it had committed, then at least have the decency to pretend to be ashamed of yourselves.

Syrian Opposition Meeting in Antalya: Day Two

DAY ONE

Two friends have given feedback on the second day of the Syrian Opposition meeting in Antalya.

Syria: Opposition Drafts Declaration in Antalya

Both were impressed by the constructive nature of the second day. George Washington was not born, they conceded, but hard decisions were made.

The Muslim Brothers and Islamists were under intense pressure to accept the notion of a secular government where religion and state would be separate. They resisted this most of the day but ultimately conceded at the eleventh hour. We do not have the statement or wording on this “secular” statement. But the MB accepted to not contest the separation of state and religion in the conference statement. I will publish as soon as I can get the wording of the conference statement.

According to some, Amr al-Azm (son of Sadiq) Amr Miqdad (presumably from the large Deraa family), and Muhammad al-Abdullah all played an important role in mediating and facilitating the discussion. They worked very hard to get the secular statement accepted.

The young guys were impressive. “Anyone in Damascus who doesn’t take these guys seriously is stupid,” my source explained. They are no where near where they should be, but for a first meeting this was impressive.” There were many arguments between the young, new leaders and the old, established leaders who have been in exile for decades. The young leaders had no patience for the committees and bureaucracy of the older generation. They are getting communication lines in place, developing networks between towns and did not have time for the endless haggling of the older generation.

About 70 Kurds showed up which surprised everyone. Also the number of tribal leaders was impressive. They were wearing heir dish dashers and kafiyyas.

“People have just had enough of being treated like shit. They want to be treated like real human beings – this was what it was all about,” one person explained. They have given up on talking with the regime. They don’t want the Assad family anymore.

Another important accomplishment was the establishment of an executive board and an election. They voted on a 31 member executive body, nine of whom will be full time. Two different lists of 31 people were presented, then they voted  on which of the two lists would be picked. There was a lot of argument about who would be on the lists. It looks like they have agree on the people.

When the National Salvation Front was constructed in 2006, ex-V.P. Abdal Halim Khaddam waltzed in and took charge without a proper election. It was not a democratic opposition. At the very least, this opposition effort is proceeding by some sort of democratic procedure and there are elections.

Another aspect of the meeting that people liked was that the organizers of the conference excluded Farid Ghadary, Abdal Halim Khaddam, and Rifaat al-Assad because they are too tainted.  The conference came out with a statement refusing foreign intervention and proclaiming the integrity and inviolability of Syria’s boarders. “Everything must be done to preserve Syria’s unity and territorial integrity,” their statement read.

“I want those people in Damascus to feel threatened,” said one friend. “This meeting is more impressive than anything the Baath has accomplished in the last 40 years. When have they ever had a real election? This is a start. There was a real young group of people working on the road to Damascus”

They issued a statement that Alawis should feel safe. No group would be targeted.

The Antalya group will start their own Facebook page tomorrow.

READ MORE

 

 

Azmi Bishara on Hamza

[youtube http://youtu.be/xtGj352MIBg?]

Hamza on facebook

Hamza is a 13 years old boy from Syria , he lived with his parents in a village called “Al Jeezah” or “Al Giza” in Daraa governorate. His tragedy started when he marched along his family in a rally to break the siege of the city of Daraa. He was detained among hundreds of Syrian during the massacre of Siada , I remember this massacre from couple of weeks ago and how horrible it was. According to my knowledge the detainees were hundreds and they were detained in schools and even football playgrounds.

read on 

قناة الثورة السورية – تقرير ماجد عبد الهادي 27-5-2011

 

[youtube http://youtu.be/ev3xy7VetXg?]

25 children among the dead in Syrian uprising, some tortured, opposition group says

( Alastair Grant / Associated Press ) – Demonstrators calling for a free Syria protest outside Buckingham Place as U.S.President Barack Obama who is on a State visit to Britain is staying inside the palace in London, Tuesday, May, 24, 2011.

By Associated Press, Published: May 25

BEIRUT — More than 25 children, some of them tortured, are among the victims of the Syrian government’s deadly crackdown on an uprising that has killed more than 1,000 people over the past two months, an opposition group said Wednesday.

The Local Coordination Committees in Syria, which helps organize the protests against President Bashar Assad, identified the children and the circumstances of their death. Syria has blocked media access in the country, making it impossible to verify the reports independently.

source

Some of the children died “under severe torture,” the group’s statement said.

The children ranged in age from 5 and 17. Many appeared to have been killed in crossfire, such as Mahmood Alkadree, 12, who was struck by four bullets when he went out to buy bread for his family in the Damascus suburb of Douma, the statement said.

The body of 15-year-old Ahmad Radwan was found in the orchards of the coastal town of Banias, shot once in the stomach and once in the chest. Majd Ibrahim Alrfaee, a 7-year-old girl from the southern province of Daraa, died from a gunshot to the abdomen, the report said.

The statement said that 13-year-old Saleh Ahmad Alkhateeb was kidnapped by security forces on April 29 in Daraa, only to be found dead the next day “covered with the effects of severe torture.”

Assad appears determined to crush the revolt, which is posing the most serious challenge to his family’s 40-year ruling dynasty. The harsh crackdown has triggered international outrage and U.S. and European sanctions, including an EU assets freeze and a visa ban on Assad and nine members of his regime.

On Wednesday, the state-run Tishrin newspaper quoted Assad as promising reforms are in store.

This week, the government announced lower gasoline prices and promised to loosen media controls. Protesters have brushed off similar pledges by Assad in the past, demanding that he step down.

The protests have continued, taking place in the largest numbers after Friday prayers.

In addition to the Friday protests, many activists in Syria are opting for nighttime protests and candlelight vigils — aiming for a time when the security presence has thinned out.

Rami Nakhle, a prominent Syrian now living in exile in Beirut, says people have gotten better at manipulating security forces.

“They gather in smaller groups but in several areas, almost simultaneously. By the time police arrive to one protest site, the protesters would have already dispersed and gone elsewhere. They are trying to wear down the security forces,” they said.

The darkness of the night also offers the protesters some protection from snipers on rooftops, he said.

Nakhle is in close touch with Syrian activists on the ground and regularly provides the media with live updates and material on demonstrations in Syria.

Video posted on YouTube on Tuesday showed a small group of women marching at night in an outdoor market in Damascus, carrying anti-government banners as stunned shoppers looked on.

Another showed a group of young men in Aleppo marching with candles and banners and shouting, “Why are you scared? God is with us!”

The central cities of Homs and Hama are also witnessing nightly demonstrations. On Tuesday they were shouting, “Bye Bye and goodnight Bashar” and “The people want to topple the regime!”

___

Associated Press Writer Zeina Karam contributed to this report.

Witness: Shattered humanity inside Syria’s security apparatus

By Suleiman al-Khalidi 

May 26, 2011

Reuters journalist Suleiman al-Khalidi, a Jordanian citizen, was arrested by Syrian security police when covering the uprising against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. In the following story, he recounts his treatment at the hands of the Syrian intelligence services and the scenes of torture he witnessed around him during four days of confinement.

Like other foreign correspondents, he was subsequently expelled from Syria. He now reports on the continuing unrest from Amman.

The item is accompanied by an account by correspondent Yara Bayoumy of others’ experiences of abuse in Syrian prisons.

By Suleiman al-Khalidi

AMMAN (Reuters) – The young man was dangling upside down, white, foaming saliva dripping from his mouth. His groans sounded more bestial than human.

It was one of many fleeting images of human degradation I witnessed during four days as an unwilling guest of Syrian intelligence, when I was detained in Damascus after reporting on protests in the southern Syrian city of Deraa.

Within minutes of my arrest I was inside a building of the intelligence services — known, as elsewhere in the Arab world, simply as the “Mukhabarat.” I was still in the heart of bustling Damascus, but had been transported into a macabre parallel world of darkness, beatings and intimidation.

I caught sight of the man hanging by his feet as one of the jailers escorted me to the interrogation room for questioning.

“Look down,” the jailer shouted as I took in the scene.

Inside an interrogation room, they made me kneel and pulled what I could just make out as a car tyre over my arms.

My reporting from Deraa, where protests against President Bashar al-Assad had broken out in March, had apparently not endeared me to my hosts, who accused me of being a spy.

The formal reason Syrian authorities gave Reuters for my detention was that I lacked the proper work permits.

That I was an established journalist working for Reuters, going about my professional business, was not an argument to men whose livelihood depends on breaking human dignity.

“So, you cheap American agent!,” the interrogator shouted.

“You have come to report destruction and mayhem. You animal, you are coming to insult Syria, you dog.”

From outside the room I could hear the rattling of chains and hysterical cries that echo in my mind to this day. My interrogators worked professionally and tirelessly to keep me on edge at every step of the questioning process over several days.

“Shut up, you bastard. You and your types are vultures who want to turn Syria into another Libya,” said another interrogator, who kept yelling: “Confess, liar!”

ARREST IN THE STREET

I had crossed the border from Jordan, where I have reported for Reuters for nearly two decades, on March 18, as unrest was first breaking out in Deraa. I spent most of the next 10 days reporting from that city. Inspired by the fall of Arab dictators in Tunisia and Egypt, the protests rapidly escalated into a grave challenge to the Assad family’s 40-year rule.

I was arrested on March 29 in Damascus as I went to meet someone in an old district of the capital. Two plain clothes security men approached me and told me not to resist as they held my arms and then marched me into a hairdresser’s until an ordinary-looking white car came to take me to the Mukhabarat.

Interrogators showed particular interest in two aspects of my reporting — the fact that I had written about watching protesters burn images of late President Hafez al-Assad, father of the incumbent, and hearing chants attacking Maher al-Assad, brother of Bashar and commander of the Republican Guard.

Iron busts of Assad the father and portraits of the current president adorn the corridors and offices in buildings of the state security apparatus, part of a family personality cult recognizable to students of authoritarian rule the world over.

DEMONSTRATION OF METHODS

I felt my hosts wanted to give me, as a foreign journalist, a demonstration of the methods they use on Syrians. To brace myself for what might yet come and save myself from total breakdown, I tried to fix my mind on old childhood memories.

These mental games helped me avoid thinking of my young twins and wife back home in Amman, who had no way of knowing where I was, or even whether I was still alive.

The questioning lasted eight hours until midnight on my first day of detention. Mostly I was blindfolded, but the blindfold was removed for a few minutes.

That allowed me — despite orders to keep my head down so that my interrogators should remain out of view — to see a hooded man screaming in pain in front of me.

When they told him to take down his pants, I could see his swollen genitals, tied tight with a plastic cable.

“I have nothing to tell, but I am neither a traitor and activist. I am just a trader,” said the man, who said he was from Idlib province in the north west of Syria.

To my horror, a masked man took a pair of wires from a household power socket and gave him electric shocks to the head.

At other moments, my questioners could be charming, but would quickly switch to ruthless mode in what looked like an orchestrated performance to wear me down.

“We will make you forget who you are,” one of them threatened as I was beaten for the sixth time on my face.

I could not see what hit me. It felt like fists.

Twice in detention I was whipped on the shoulder, leaving bruises that stayed a week.

During intervals in the corridor, with my back against the wall and my hands in the air, I stood on display as at least a dozen security men jostled me and hurled abuse.

And yet humanity could appear at the unlikeliest moments.

At one point, the interrogator who was screaming at me that I was a dog (a particular insult to Arabs) took a call on his mobile phone. His tone became immediately warm and affectionate: “Of course, my dear, I’ll get you whatever you want,” he said, switching from professional torturer to indulgent father.

SCREAMS AND COCKROACHES

For long periods, I lay on a mattress in a windowless cell, lit by a small neon light, as cockroaches scurried around.

Occasional screams reminded me of where I was and what might happen. I was kept in solitary confinement and my jailers gave me a piece of dry bread or a potato and a tomato twice a day.

When I wanted to go to the toilet, I would knock on the door of my cell. A jailer would then appear, though it could take over an hour to have my request met.

I thought of the thousands of people in Syrian prisons, and how they endured solitary confinement and constant degradation, many for decades. I thought of Russians I had read about in Siberian exile, and about the meaning of freedom, for Syrians and for other Arabs living under autocrats across the region.

I was not the first person there in the cell, of course. One of my unknown predecessors had carved an inscription on the wall, apparently with his fingernails.

“God against the oppressor,” it read.

My mind went back to the events in Deraa — the thousands of youngsters clapping in unison, shouting “Freedom,” and the expressions on the faces of the women, children and old men who came out to the streets to watch in a mixture of disbelief and euphoria, an electrifying spirit of defiance.

I saw how decades of fear sown in the hearts and minds of people was crumbling as hundreds of bare-chested young men braved bullets fired by security men and snipers from rooftops. I will never forget the bodies of men shot in the head or chest, carried through the blood-spattered streets of Deraa, and dozens of shoes left on the streets by youths running from gunfire.

EXPELLED

Then on the fourth day of detention, my hosts came to move me, putting me in a car that whisked me to what turned out to be the intelligence headquarters several blocks away in Damascus.

It was a huge complex, with hundreds of plain-clothes security men in the courtyard outside, all with grim faces.

“Search every inch of him,” said one man as two others dragged me toward the basement.

I spent two hours in a cell where I reflected on how I would cope with imprisonment in the months ahead.

Then I was brought into a room nearby. To my bewilderment an urbane man with an air of authority told me: “We are sending you back to Jordan.”

I realized later, from looking at pictures in the media, that this had been Major General Ali Mamluk, the director of Syrian State Security himself, a man whose subordinates hold thousands of Syrians in similar jails across the country.

He said my reporting from Deraa had been inaccurate and had damaged the image of Syria.

Within hours I crossed the border and was back home, where I learned that Jordan’s royal family had worked for my release and spared me from a longer and more grueling fate. Other Reuters journalists were also expelled, some also after detention, and now Syria is effectively barred to most foreign media.

Nearly two months later, time has helped me absorb the impact of those four days, to the extent that I can record the experiences in writing. But I am haunted by the human cost of the Arab uprisings for people seeking the sort of freedoms which others elsewhere in the world take for granted.


:: Article nr. 78103 sent on 27-may-2011 09:55 ECT

www.uruknet.info?p=78103

Link: www.reuters.com/article/2011/05/26/us-witness-syria-torture-idUSTRE74P2VD2011052
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May 14 protest, the video

For Syria to day in Brussels

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