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Revolution

Confessions of a Shabbeeh who was arrested by FSA

FSA = Free Syrian Army

[youtube http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YA8W4O2j3vI&NR=1?]

Name: Hasan rajab
City of Residence: Misyaf
Profession: Agent in security forces
Date of enlistment: 10 days earlier.

Why did you enlist?
– Enlistment Campaign arrived in Misyaf earlier and called for enlistment to combat Sunnis who are killing 3alawis!

What arms were you provided?
– Klashnikov and a pistol

Describe your day!
– We roam the city in packs of 4 to 5, in cars.

What is your mission?
– Abducting veiled girls

Who gave you orders?
– Bransh chief

What areas?
– Well to do; like AlGhuta, Hamra, Inshaat, Waár..

What becomes of them?
– We rape them in the branch.

How? The kidnappers rape them first in the basement. If another shift comes alater, they force them to wash and then re-rape them.

What rank is the rapist?
– The most good looking is taken up to the chief’s room!

How many girls have you kidnapped?
– 25 girls

Have you seen any armed gangs?
– No.
Who arrested and brought you here?
– FSA
Are you aware of a girl that was rkdnapped today?
– Yes Galioun!

Syria…Has the page turned?

By Tariq Alhomayed

Wednesday, 05 October 2011

Tariq Alhomayed

Lebanon’s “An-Nahar” newspaper reported that Syrian President Bashar al-Assad had told former [Lebanese] Prime Minister Omar Karami that “the story is over; we are pleased to have turned a page on these events. It is under control, we are no longer worried”. So has the situation in Syria truly settled down for the al-Assad regime?

I doubt it. Within 48 hours of this assertion, events occurred that proved this was not true when the formation of the Syrian National Council [SNC] was announced in Istanbul, with France being one of the first to welcome it. Following this announcement, various cities in Syria were engulfed in demonstrations in support of the SNC. News also spread that the al-Assad regime had targeted members of Burhan Ghalioun’s family, a prominent member of the Syrian opposition. Syrian reports also indicated that a statue of President Hafez al-Assad, the father of Bashar, had been destroyed, this time not in a Syrian village, but in the capital, the first statue in the capital to be destroyed!

Is this all? Of course not, observers are still waiting for the key details surrounding the assassination of the Syrian Grand Mufti’s son, for there are serious doubts about the official account from Damascus. An operation targeting the Grand Mufti’s son would be an indication that some things are now being plotted in the dark. Divisions are intensifying, especially now that resignations have begun to occur within the ranks of the Syrian media. In addition to this, there is the ever increasing series of military defections, and the continuing clashes between the al-Assad regime’s security forces and those who have defected from it.

All of the above, occurring within a timeframe of only two days, indicates that a page has been turned in Syria, but this is to the effect that the situation cannot return to how it was before the outbreak of the Syrian revolution. Al-Assad saying that he is comfortable, and no longer worried, means that the regime is unwilling to undertake any reforms, and there is no hope that this will happen, because al-Assad’s words [to Omar Karami] means that the Syrian only option that the Syrian regime is interested in is the security solution, and thus all the talk of political reform was nothing but a [political] maneuver. Here, some may ask: Is there anything new about the al-Assad regime not being capable of carrying out reforms, or did we really believe that it would?

The answer is no, of course not, but this is important as it represents further evidence for the countries that believe that the al-Assad regime will undertake genuine reforms to rectify the situation in Syria. The most prominent of these countries is Russia. So, with al-Assad saying that he is comfortable, and believing that the page of the revolution has been turned, this is proof that there is no hope for this regime, and this is the message that the Russians must understand today, just as the Turks quickly realized that the al-Assad regime was no longer credible. Until recently the Russians believed that the al-Assad regime was undertaking steps to create a dialogue between the regime and the Syrian revolutionaries, but the [Syrian] regime today believes that matters have settled down, and it is no longer worried, so what reforms is it set to undertake, what dialogue is it talking about, and who is trying to mediate on its behalf?

Thus, the page of the revolution has not turned, but perhaps the page that has turned is on those who want to believe the al-Assad regime, and its supposed promises of reform.

(The writer is the Editor-in-Chief of Asharq al-Awsat. The article was published in the London-based newspaper on Oct. 4, 2011.)

source

For Syrian activists abroad ‘there’s no turning back’

October 04, 2011 01:00 PM By Brooke Anderson

The Daily Star
Demonstrators, during a solidarity protest for Syria, in Geneva, Switzerland, Saturday, May 28, 2011. (AP Photo/Keystone/Sandro Campardo)

BEIRUT: When Malek Jandali’s parents were brutally attacked at their house in Homs in July following a performance by the renowned Syrian pianist of his song, “Watani Ana” (I am my homeland), he canceled the rest of his tour for fear of further reprisals.

Then, two weeks ago, he posted graphic photos of the aftermath of the attacks on his parents on Facebook, in an album he called “Mom & Dad after Brutal Assault by Syrian Government Thugs.”

Like Jandali, an increasing number of expatriates are speaking out against their government, despite knowing the potential consequences of their activism.

For many the benefit of expressing their opinions outweighs the cost of continuing to live in fear for their loved ones, a sentiment that would have been hard to come by before the uprising began six months ago, since when more than 3,000 people have been killed, mainly civilian protesters, and more than 10,000 detained in the government crackdown.


“I’m not worried about it anymore. For me and others close to me who’ve spoken out, there’s no turning back,” says Omar Dahi, an assistant professor of economics at Hampshire College in Massachusetts.

The Syrian expatriate, who had never before publicly criticized his government, says he thought long and hard before writing a detailed account of a trip he’d taken to several cities in Syria over the summer. In “A Syrian Drama,” published Aug. 13 on the blog Syrian Comment (considered sympathetic to the government), Dahi leads by writing “The Syrian regime is in big trouble” and that “the regime is effectively done.”

Instead of fearing for his family’s safety, Dahi says he now feels an obligation to speak out.

“People inside are taking so many risks, and we need to share the burden,” he says.

“It’s imperative to speak out. If you retreat now, then they’ll go after everyone. It’s the best way to support people on the inside. The protesters want us to speak out and follow their lead.”

Although nothing has happened to his family in Damascus so far, Dahi says he still doesn’t speak with them about sensitive topics over the phone.

“I still don’t discuss politics over the phone. It’s changing. People are starting to discuss things online. People are careful, but much less so than a few months ago. And there are more debates taking place within the protest movement,” he says.

Indeed, as Syria’s protest movement matures, there is increasingly vocal discussion within the expatriate opposition about how to move forward.

Amr al-Azm, a member of the National Council, which formally launched this weekend, who lives in Ohio where he is a professor at a Shawnee State University, says taking part in the opposition at such a prominent level leaves him particularly vulnerable.

“When they want someone and they can’t get them, then they go after their family. I expect no less from them,” he says. “I’m very concerned because they’re my family and they [the government] are doing everything they can to prevent the opposition from doing any activity.”

Some of Azm’s colleagues have been attacked both inside Syria and abroad for their activities, but he believes that the increased threats make it imperative for Syrian activists to continue to speak up.

“The regime can only sustain the pressure and the climate of fear for so long. Both the regime and the protesters have passed the point of no return.”

Another prominent activist in exile, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals, says his wife’s family in Damascus has been threatened by the authorities there. He admits that if the threats against his in-laws get worse, he may halt his activities.

It’s unclear how the Syrian authorities have been able to link Syrian activists abroad, particularly the less-prominent ones, to their families back home. But some people have accused the Syrian foreign missions of supplying information on dissidents abroad.

In an email message to The Daily Star, the Syrian Embassy in Washington stated that “there have been concerted efforts recently by individuals and the media to spread lies and distortions regarding the Embassy of Syria. These preposterous allegations claim that the Embassy is involved in targeting or intimidating Syrian expatriates in the U.S., which is absolutely untrue.”

The statement claims that such allegations are “an outrageous travesty of truth, promoted and proclaimed by vicious circles, [and] come within the framework of an extensive campaign to instigate hatred and incite animosity.”

Syrian-American activist Ammar Kahf acknowledges that it is “difficult to prove a connection between someone taking a picture of activists here in Los Angeles, and an arrest occurring in Damascus.”

Other activists blame Facebook for giving authorities an easy reach to activists abroad.

[youtube http://youtu.be/fjqR7H6YumE?]

As most foreign journalists have been banned from reporting from the country, much of the reporting inside the country has come from citizen journalism, using cellphone cameras, YouTube and Facebook.

And while the social networking site has served as a powerful tool for organizing anti-government protests, it has also been used by the authorities to track dissent.

After being blocked for three years, Syria reversed its ban on Facebook and YouTube in February this year, a few days after small protests began to emerge, leading some to speculate that the policy was aimed more at increasing government monitoring than loosening its grip.

A young student from Latakia who became an activist when the uprisings began posted videos on Facebook of the Syrian protests from Germany. He then got an anonymous message saying, “We can’t get you, but we can get your family.”

Another Syrian activist abroad, who wished only to use his first name, Mohamad, says he had to “defriend” some former college classmates from back home who were writing abusive messages on his Facebook wall after he posted critical comments about his government.

He says he chose to speak out because he could no longer stand idly by as the violence against peaceful protesters mounted. Still, he doesn’t discuss the situation with his parents over the phone.

“Lately, my elderly parents have been so scared to talk to me. Every time we talk they want to assure me they are doing very well and hang up. I’m not sure why they do that,” Mohammad says.

The situation in his home country is also affecting his family financially.

“My brother is a professional who lost his job and cannot find a new job,” he says. “I had left some money back in Syria last time I was there, and now I told my family to use it, this was to be a payout to the Syrian government in lieu of me serving in the army. Of course, we are not going to pay them now.”

A Syrian-American activist, who requested anonymity because his family in Damascus had recently been threatened, says that it is precisely because of this fear that people must speak up.

“Syrian expats know too well that the regime will not hesitate in harming relatives in Syria to silence all voices abroad supporting freedom and democracy,” he says. “It is more reason for me to speak out against such a regime that has no value for human life and dignity.”

Is Syrian Civil War a Self-Fulfilling Prophecy?

A revolution that began peacefully is turning to weapons in self-defense. Can all-out bloodshed be stopped?

BY ROBIN YASSIN-KASSAB | SEPTEMBER 29, 2011

From the start of the Syrian revolution, the Assad regime’s media have portrayed the overwhelmingly peaceful grassroots protest movement as a foreign-backed military assault. Its preferred catchall term to describe the tens of thousands of patriots it has kidnapped and tortured, as well as the thousands it has murdered, is “armed gangs.” Despite a series of televised “confessions,” the regime has not provided any serious proof of the supposed American-French-Qaeda-Israeli-Saudi-Qatari plot against the homeland. Nor has it explained the evident contradictions between its narrative and the thousands of YouTube videos and eyewitness accounts of security forces shooting rifles and artillery straight into unarmed crowds.

Of course it hasn’t. Yet its propaganda is taken seriously by Russian and Chinese state media, certain infantile leftists, and a vaguely prominent American academic.

Those Sunni Syrians who are (understandably) enraged by the minorities’ siding with the dictatorship should remember first that many Alawis and Christians, as well as many more Druze and Ismailis, have joined the revolution and that many have paid the price. Second, Sunnis should remember that Alawis and Christians have good reason to fear change, if not to believe the propaganda.

Alawis have a complex, esoteric religion that throughout history has been savagely denounced, and its adherents savagely oppressed. Ultimately it’s a matter of political interpretation whether or not Alawis are to be considered Muslims. The Ottoman Empire didn’t even consider them “People of the Book,” which meant that unlike Christians, Jews, and mainstream Shiites, Alawis didn’t enjoy any legal rights. The ravings of the influential medieval scholar Ibn Taymiyya (who thought Alawis were “greater disbelievers than the Jews, Christians, and Indian idol-worshipping Brahmans”) contributed to their oppression and justified the theft of their lands around Aleppo and their forced retreat into the mountains. Until the 1920s, the Alawis were stuck in those mountains. Antakya (Antioch) was the only city where Alawis lived with Sunnis, and Antakya was gifted by France to Turkey before the independence of the modern Syrian state.

Most Alawis today are not particularly religious. Far from pushing Alawi tenets on the general populace, the Assads discouraged the study of the faith and repressed the traditional Alawi clerics. As a result, if individual Alawis do turn to religion, most tend to practice Sunni or mainstream Shiite rituals.

Of course, as far as the business of state is concerned, it should be entirely irrelevant whether or not Alawis are Muslims or even People of the Book. As Syrian citizens they should be guaranteed the same rights and the same access to political office as anyone else. It would help a great deal if revolutionary leaders and Sunni clerics were to state this as clearly and as often as possible. The blatant anti-Alawi sectarianism of Sheikh Adnan al-Arour (given prominence by Saudi Arabia) and Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi (given prominence by Al Jazeera), both supposed friends of the revolution, does not help at all. Speaking to “those [Alawis] who stood against us,” Arour recently promised, “I swear by God we will mince them in grinders and feed their flesh to the dogs.”

The one thing the regime has done intelligently in the last six months is to play on minorities’ fears. I know that prominent Alawis have been receiving threatening phone calls from unknown numbers, ostensibly from “Sunnis” but almost certainly from the mukhabarat. (How would street-level Sunnis get hold of the phone numbers, and why would they want to make such threats when the committees coordinating the protests are stressing the importance of avoiding sectarianism?)

source

Panorama : Syria : Inside the Secret Revolution/ BBC1 – 26-09-2011

[youtube http://youtu.be/e_SIeljZ3Tc?]

Nobody Can Predict The Moment Of Revolution ( Occupy Wall Street )

[youtube http://youtu.be/OwWInp75ua0?]

Nobody mentions  the billions dished out to Israel

Livestream here

A Revolutionary song from Syria

(Repeat) Ibrahim Qashoush

This is the musician referred to in the previous post; the song made him very famous and he was murdered – his vocal chords pulled out say some – soon after by the notorious shahiba

Literature of Syrian Revolution Figures new on FB

These words are didecated to Abraham Al-Qashowsh soul… هذه الكلمات لروح ابراهيم القاشوش

par Literature of Syrian Revolution Figures, vendredi 26 août 2011, 15:33

ويقال بأن النايات نبتت على أطراف النهر كلما هبت ريحٌ حرّة ترددت هتافاتُ إبراهيم, وصار العاصي يسير في كل اتجاه… حنجرةٌ في العاصي تعمّدت, صدحت في دير الفرات, ناعورةٌ أنّت في حماه , رشقت ماء نواحها في وجه الشام, يُعتقل القمر في القيمرية, فتضحك حلاوةُ الروح في حمص, وتطير ليال حرّةً فوق حوران

بقلم: نسرين طرابلسي

كاتبة وإعلامية سورية

Flutes springs on Orontes banks whenever free wind blows reiterating Abraham Al-Qashowsh* song making the Orontes travel everywhere…

Al-Qashowsh, throat has been baptized from Orontes River to become a waterwheel, singing songs of freedom to Ephrata, and spouting its pained water at Damascus face where free people to be arrested for screaming words of  freedom; words make souls smile in Homs and hover free over Horan**…

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