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Answering Karl reMarks: The Case Against Anti-Interventionism

 Karl reMarks: The Case Against Anti-Interventionism

Posted: 25 Dec 2013 08:35 AM PST

Karl reMarks has written an essay describing the Arab uprising as a missed opportunity for self determination. I agree with him that there is a serious lack of historical context and political understanding when it comes to analysing and understanding the Arab spring, but I think his conclusions are, on the one hand, premature when it comes to judging some aspects of this spring a failure, and on the other, inaccurate when we come to the question of interventionism and the role played by outside countries in these national struggles. It is premature to say that any of these struggles has “failed” any more than it would be to proclaim that one has succeeded. After all, what does a “successful” revolution look like?
This is not a trivial question, but a very serious one. There is today a constant barrage of academics and journalists who talk about revolutions as if they were some kind of a project to be completed with tangible milestones and clear targets. And yet, if we look at the history of revolutions, we find them to be just as messy and chaotic as what we are seeing in the Arab world. Not only that, but almost all of these revolutions unleashed consequences and actors that none could have foreseen before they commenced. Karl argues that the Arab revolutions represented a real opportunity for change, albeit one that has now been missed. He pins this failure on a twin dynamic: The failure of the domestic political opposition to seize this opportunity; and the intervention of outside powers. And yet we are reading his words only three years after the first protests began in Tunisia. If a commentator were to have written similar arguments three years after the Russian, French, or even English, revolutions would that not also have been considered equally premature?
None of these revolutions could have been considered a “success” three years after their eruption, nor were they free of outside intervention. Even during the American revolution, the Founding Fathers did not think it beneath their principles to accept assistance from France in their struggle against King George III. And none of these revolutions lacked failed political leaderships and lost opportunities. So why are we constantly expecting so much from the Arab revolutions? And why is the concept of national sovereignty only invoked when a foreign country is about to intervene but not when it comes to tyrants usurping the state and subverting the laws of the land. Is the Assad regime’s bastardization of Syrian law and his emasculation of Parliament no less an infringement on Syrian national sovereignty? And is that not worthy of the outrage of foreign and domestic commentators alike?
Furthermore, and to use the “language of humanitarianism” as Karl described it, is it not just as legitimate to draw parallels between Hitler’s hijacking of Germany in the thirties and the Assad regime’s hollowing out of the Syrian state today? And can we not see in the regime’s systematic brutalization of Syria’s Sunni hinterland the same sectarian ferocity of a Milosevic? I disagree strongly with Karl in that the Holocaust and Bosnia are not tired cliches that have been misused but important lessons from the past that tell us what happens when “The State” goes insane. It is only when we move beyond this triviality that we can see national sovereignty for what it is, a privilege and not a right, and it is based upon these valuable lessons that doctrines such as the Responsibility to Protect have arisen.
Should we dismiss this doctrine simply because it has been cynically used by some countries for their own interests? Certainly not. The fact that the intervention in Libya or in Sudan was triggered by Western interests and not a genuine humanitarian concern should not detract from the very real crisis faced by the Libyans and Sudanese, and continues to be faced by Syrians today. Karl refers to the Western intervention as somehow denying a national Libyan expression from coming into its own as it fought Gaddafi’s brigades, but it is difficult to see how anything could have grown under the withering brutality of that tyrant. In the early days of the Libyan revolution, as would be echoed in the Syrian town of Deraa, the regime used anti-aircraft guns to fire rounds the size of Coca-Cola bottles at unarmed protesters. That a national opposition with principles that Karl can approve of could emerge under such difficult conditions is extremely doubtful. The sad fact is that the modern means at the disposal of “states” makes it all but impossible for the kind of national resistance movement we saw in Algeria and it would be simply impossible for such movements to ever come into existence through their own efforts. If such an endeavor was ever attempted seriously today the consequences on the civilian population would be far greater than what we are seeing in Syria or what we ever saw in Libya.
Viewed in this light, the “competition to gain victim status” as Karl so derisively puts it, is nothing more than the sheer desperation of people who are looking directly into the abyss. In such a situation who could be blamed for wanting any other country to come and assist, and at any cost? And who are we to insist that they die for the principles of self determination? I refer here to the example of a Syrian woman reported to have crossed the borders into the occupied Golan Heights to give birth in an Israeli hospital. Was she in contravention to the principles of self determination that would make a revolution legitimate and successful? Are we to tell her that it would be far better to risk her and her child’s life by giving birth in a ditch somewhere whilst under shelling? Have we become so crass? I should hope not, and I will not be the one to rebuke her brave decision or even question her judgment.
To choose inaction against regimes that fire rounds the size of Coca Cola bottles at unarmed protesters and drop barrel bombs on their own citizens is to turn a blind eye to it under the pretext of respecting a non-existent national sovereignty. The reality that has never changed is that we do live in a world where states meddle in the affairs of other countries, and where non-state actors will constantly try to subvert law and exist in conditions of lawlessness. Karl’s description of al Qaeda as the Syrian opposition’s scapegoat for its own failures is at best disingenuous. We should not dismiss the “vacuum theory” of extremist groups in Syria lightly, in the same way that we cannot blame the existence of al Qaeda in Iraq on the American invasion in 2003, regardless of its legality. Can we really claim that it was only Western intervention which turned Iraq into a “disaster” ignore over thirty years of Saddam’s rule that scourged an entire generation of Iraqis and Iranians in a needless ten year war? That states cynically play games with each other is not news, nor is it only something that Western governments do. In Vietnam, Chinese support was essential to the North Vietnamese. The “catastrophic” intervention in Afghanistan, as Karl puts it, was nowhere near as controversial in the wake of the World Trade Centre attacks in 2001. Missing in this narrative is that the collapse of Afghanistan as a country was triggered by Soviet intervention, and that the rise of the Taleban after the Soviet withdrawal came about precisely because Western assistance was pulled back as a result of that withdrawal.
The world has moved on from the days of the United Fruit Company and Guatemala, and believe it or not it has also moved on from the Iraq invasion of 2003. There have been numerous foreign interventions in many countries that have been illegal, catastrophic and immoral, but there have also been interventions such as in Kosovo and Bosnia where many people are alive today as a result. And, to be fair, let us not forget the invasion of Cambodia that put an end to the butchery of the Khmer Rouge, a butchery that had no end in sight were it not for outside intervention, even if it was by China. It has not been Western foreign meddling which has escalated the war in Syria, but the Assad regime and its allies. Answering unarmed protesters with live ammunition and tanks in the streets represents a pretty significant escalation, in my opinion. And when we consider the paucity of Western aid to the rebels, especially in the early days when one could still speak of a nascent Free Syrian Army espousing a moderately secular vision of Syria, the idea that Western “meddling” has somehow provoked Iran and Hezbullah to escalate their support for the regime, as if such allies needed this pretext, detracts from the very real advances made by the Syrian rebel groups in the early days, advances that came about mostly because of their own ingenuity in stealing, bartering and buying the weapons that they needed to advance and hold ground. In effect it was the kind of self determination that Karl laments today and which was in fact crushed by the one-sided foreign assistance given to Assad. The only foolish meddling the West can be accused of has been in its amateurish diplomacy with Russia and Iran, rather than any kind of material support for the Syrian people.

Christmas Message 2013 from Palestine

and

A Christmas Message From Edward Snowden

Christmas in Saraqeb

December 24, 2013

Christmas in Saraqeb, Idlib provine, Syria. Happy Christmas everyone, and especially to Syrian Christians. May we all celebrate next year i freedom and peace.

source

ABU DHABI // They asked you to open your hearts and open your wallets – and your response was magnificent

.
Comment Helping Syrians will require a global response

ABU DHABI // They asked you to open your hearts and open your wallets – and your response was magnificent.

* Anwar Ahmad

A three-day fundraising telethon drive on Abu Dhabi TV ended on Saturday with more than Dh120 million raised to help thousands displaced by Syria’s civil war to survive a freezing winter in refugee camps in Jordan and Lebanon.

There was a further boost when Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed, Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi and Deputy Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, ordered Dh15.5m worth of heavy equipment to be delivered to Jordan to clear away the heavy snow and ice that has been hampering the distribution of vital humanitarian aid.

The scale of the task confronting aid agencies was brought tragically home during Saturday’s telethon. As cash donations poured in, viewers learnt that their generosity had come too late for a two-year-old child in a camp in Jordan set up by the UAE.

“The killer snow storms led to the death of a child in the camp,” Ahmed Al Yamahi reported from the camp, which provides shelter for about 4,000 refugees.

Children, mothers and the elderly were crying and fighting for their survival amid severe weather conditions, Al Yamahi said.

Syed Mustafa, Syrian refugee affairs manager in Jordan, said: “There are 10,000 refugees in different parts of Jordan and they are going through tough times as the weather here is fatal.”

The telethon broadcast live footage of the living conditions of Syrian refugees, some of whom told of their suffering and fight for survival as winter storms battered their makeshift homes.

One refugee, Hazim Al Habiah, told Abu Dhabi TV: “We have lost everything. I don’t have home, work, food and nothing to lead a life. Everything has gone.

“Children are fighting the cold as temperatures drop below zero here. The situation here is very, very bad and further deteriorating.”

A woman, Syedah Sharifah, said: “I have five children and live here in the Emirati camp. My children demand different things to eat and wear and I satisfy them somehow.

“There are no proper things to support life for our children. We need food, medicines and clothing to protect ourselves from the cold.”

She thanked Sheikh Khalifa, the President and the people of the UAE for helping them and supplying food and medicines.

Emaa, a five-year-old girl in the refugee camp, said: “I feel cold during the night and my sister is not able to sleep due to cold and hunger.”

Another little girl, Rahaf, 6, said: “We need help and we don’t have access to food and water and life is very difficult here.”

Alaa, a boy of about 10, said, “I thank the Emirates for their help and thank the government of Jordan too.”

An elderly man from the camp said: “We don’t have food, water to drink and medicine. We need all kind of assistance. All thanks to the Emirates, as we are brothers, they are doing so much for us.”

To cope with the flood of donations, Abu Dhabi TV extended the telethon until 6pm, two hours after its scheduled close.

The funds have been raised as part of the Emirates Red Crescent’s “Our Hearts Are With the Syrian People” campaign, launched after a directive from the President, Sheikh Khalifa.

National Bank of Abu Dhabi donated Dh3m, National Investment Corporation and an anonymous donor gave Dh2m each, Abdur Rehman Al Awais Dh2m, Sharjah Islamic Bank Dh1m, Ahmed Siddique and Sons Dh1m, Saif bin Darwesh Company Dh1m, Dubai Charity Association Dh1m, Sheikh Mohammed bin Nasir Al Hajiri Dh1m, Sheikha Alya bint Khalifa Al Maktoum Dh1m, Fujairah Welfare Association Dh1m, Ali Khalfan Al Dhahiri and Sons Dh1m and Awqaf Dh1m.

Habib Al Sayegh, adviser on editorial affairs at the Sharjah publishers Dar Al Khaleej, said during the telethon: “About 15,000 doctors have left Syria since the crisis started two years back. So the country is in dire need of doctors as many people there are dying of cold due to harsh weather now.”

More than 2.3 million Syrians have been forced out of their homes since the civil war broke out on March 2011. About 800,000 refugees are in Lebanon, with 569,000 in Jordan, 553,000 in Turkey and 209,460 in Iraq.

About 5,000 people flee Syria every day.

Abu Dhabi TV is owned by Abu Dhabi Media, publishers of The National.

anwar@thenational.ae

■ UAE has clothing drive for Syrian refugees
■ Dh66 million raised for Syrian refugees
■ Dh18.1m raised in first day of Syrian refugee charity campaign
■ Friday sermon: Help the Syrian refugees

Topic

Charity
Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed
Syria unrest

Donation timeline

First day (Thursday) Dh18.1 million

Second day (Friday) Dh66m

Third day (yesterday)

2.40pm more than Dh84m

3.30pm more than Dh85m

4.30pm more than Dh88m

5.27pm more than Dh90m

5.45pm more than Dh106m

Final more than Dh120m

* Anwar Ahmad

A three-day fundraising telethon drive on Abu Dhabi TV ended on Saturday with more than Dh120 million raised to help thousands displaced by Syria’s civil war to survive a freezing winter in refugee camps in Jordan and Lebanon.

There was a further boost when Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed, Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi and Deputy Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, ordered Dh15.5m worth of heavy equipment to be delivered to Jordan to clear away the heavy snow and ice that has been hampering the distribution of vital humanitarian aid.

The scale of the task confronting aid agencies was brought tragically home during Saturday’s telethon. As cash donations poured in, viewers learnt that their generosity had come too late for a two-year-old child in a camp in Jordan set up by the UAE.

“The killer snow storms led to the death of a child in the camp,” Ahmed Al Yamahi reported from the camp, which provides shelter for about 4,000 refugees.

Children, mothers and the elderly were crying and fighting for their survival amid severe weather conditions, Al Yamahi said.

Syed Mustafa, Syrian refugee affairs manager in Jordan, said: “There are 10,000 refugees in different parts of Jordan and they are going through tough times as the weather here is fatal.”

The telethon broadcast live footage of the living conditions of Syrian refugees, some of whom told of their suffering and fight for survival as winter storms battered their makeshift homes.

One refugee, Hazim Al Habiah, told Abu Dhabi TV: “We have lost everything. I don’t have home, work, food and nothing to lead a life. Everything has gone.

“Children are fighting the cold as temperatures drop below zero here. The situation here is very, very bad and further deteriorating.”

A woman, Syedah Sharifah, said: “I have five children and live here in the Emirati camp. My children demand different things to eat and wear and I satisfy them somehow.

“There are no proper things to support life for our children. We need food, medicines and clothing to protect ourselves from the cold.”

She thanked Sheikh Khalifa, the President and the people of the UAE for helping them and supplying food and medicines.

Emaa, a five-year-old girl in the refugee camp, said: “I feel cold during the night and my sister is not able to sleep due to cold and hunger.”

Another little girl, Rahaf, 6, said: “We need help and we don’t have access to food and water and life is very difficult here.”

Alaa, a boy of about 10, said, “I thank the Emirates for their help and thank the government of Jordan too.”

An elderly man from the camp said: “We don’t have food, water to drink and medicine. We need all kind of assistance. All thanks to the Emirates, as we are brothers, they are doing so much for us.”

To cope with the flood of donations, Abu Dhabi TV extended the telethon until 6pm, two hours after its scheduled close.

The funds have been raised as part of the Emirates Red Crescent’s “Our Hearts Are With the Syrian People” campaign, launched after a directive from the President, Sheikh Khalifa.

National Bank of Abu Dhabi donated Dh3m, National Investment Corporation and an anonymous donor gave Dh2m each, Abdur Rehman Al Awais Dh2m, Sharjah Islamic Bank Dh1m, Ahmed Siddique and Sons Dh1m, Saif bin Darwesh Company Dh1m, Dubai Charity Association Dh1m, Sheikh Mohammed bin Nasir Al Hajiri Dh1m, Sheikha Alya bint Khalifa Al Maktoum Dh1m, Fujairah Welfare Association Dh1m, Ali Khalfan Al Dhahiri and Sons Dh1m and Awqaf Dh1m.

Habib Al Sayegh, adviser on editorial affairs at the Sharjah publishers Dar Al Khaleej, said during the telethon: “About 15,000 doctors have left Syria since the crisis started two years back. So the country is in dire need of doctors as many people there are dying of cold due to harsh weather now.”

More than 2.3 million Syrians have been forced out of their homes since the civil war broke out on March 2011. About 800,000 refugees are in Lebanon, with 569,000 in Jordan, 553,000 in Turkey and 209,460 in Iraq.

About 5,000 people flee Syria every day.

Abu Dhabi TV is owned by Abu Dhabi Media, publishers of The National.

anwar@thenational.ae

Read more: http://www.thenational.ae/uae/heritage/aid-appeal-for-syrian-refugees-on-abu-dhabi-tv-hits-dh120m?utm_source=Communicator&utm_medium=Email&utm_content=&utm_campaign=%5b%5bADMC_THENATIONAL_LT.ADMC_THENATIONAL_LT.LATEST_NEWS_SUBJECT%3a%3a%7b1%7d%3f%3fThe+National+Newsletter%5d%5d#ixzz2oH3EZjke
Follow us: @TheNationalUAE on Twitter | thenational.ae on Facebook

source

Osama Alomar, Syrian writer

lydia-davis-alomar-intro.jpgThe following introduction is from “Fullblood Arabian,” a collection of stories by Osama Alomar, translated by C. J. Collins, which will be released by New Directions later this week.Osama Alomar, a young Syrian writer who has been living here in the United States for the past five years, belongs at once to several different important literary traditions. Most immediately evident are two: that of the writer driven into exile from his own country and culture; and that of the writer of very short stories.The plight of a writer who has an established reputation in his own country, and none at all here in his adopted country is a plight shared, of course, with immigrants of other professions, including, for instance, the Puerto Rican lawyer who leaves a thriving practice in his native country to manage a grocery store in Massachusetts; or the Jewish scholar or physician who flees Nazi Germany to work in a textile factory in New York. It involves a profoundly disturbing change of identity in his new world, and often in his own eyes. His identity in his new community is, in a sense, a necessary disguise; and he faces the challenge of holding his two identities in balance, adjusting himself to the new, keeping the old alive. Alomar left a culture in which his prize-winning fiction and poetry had been published in four collections to date, appeared regularly in literary journals, was shared out loud with appreciative others in convivial living-room gatherings. By contrast, his writing is known here only to a few. How fortunate, then, that with this first collection of stories in English he will begin to find an audience both in the U.S. and in the larger Anglophone culture.

The other tradition to which Alomar most obviously belongs—in this case by choice—is that of the very short story. But this tradition is complicated, for within this genre, we have different traditions and different types. While Alomar is working within his own particular cultural heritage, he is of course also sharing in a wider international legacy of the very short story or prose poem, the more contemporary part of which spans more than a century at least: from the prose poems of Baudelaire in the mid-nineteenth century, to those of Francis Ponge and other French poets of the twentieth; the lyrical and nostalgic real-life stories of the early twentieth-century Viennese Peter Altenberg and the quirky numbered “handbook” instructions of the Bohemian / Czech Dadaist and pacifist Walter Serner; the Austrian Thomas Bernhard’s grim and syntactically complex paragraph-long stories in The Voice Imitator; the self-denigrating, anti-climactic, quarrelsome tales of the Soviet Daniil Kharms; the lyrical autobiographical sequence of the Spanish Luis Cernuda; and the pointed philosophical narratives of the contemporary Dutch writer A. L. Snijders (whose term, zkv or zeer korte verhaal—very short story— means exactly the same thing as Alomar’s al-qisa al-qasira jiddan); to mention only a few.

And then, there are the literary traditions in which the very short story shares, and Alomar’s work with it, including moral tales, fairy tales, works of magical realism, coming-of-age novels, and so forth ad infinitum. I read, for instance, Alomar’s “Conversation of the Breezes” and I hear, suddenly, an echo of the voice of the swallow in Oscar Wilde’s very moving late nineteenth-century tale, “The Happy Prince.” I read his “Sea Journey,” in which a weary office worker dreams of delirious adventures in the waves and wakes to find he is late for work, and I am reminded not only of Kafka but also of the great early twentieth-century Dutch writer Nescio, both of whom so vividly evoke the man of imagination stuck within the rigid entrenched bureaucracy of the madly irksome office routine. Again I think of Nescio’s classic, Amsterdam Stories, with its interrelated stories of three pals growing up together, and also of a long early section of the multi-volume My Struggle, by the contemporary Norwegian Karl Ove Knausgaard, when I read Alomar’s “Dividing Line,” one of the rare longer stories in the book and a succinct and crystalline tale of adolescent exuberance, heedlessness, rebellion, and epiphany. And—to return to the short form—Alomar’s insidious and powerful tale, “The Hammer and the Nail,” deploying personification with such utter ease and inevitability, reminds me of the terrifying absurdist domestic fables of the contemporary American poet Russell Edson, while the eccentricity and anguish underlying the occasional simple friendly tale reminds me of the weird and powerful work of the Brazilian Clarice Lispector, one of whose main forms was also the short story.

Although my frame of reference may be international, it is not particularly Syrian, which is of course my own loss. I have turned to Alomar’s translator, C. J. Collins, to learn what, in Alomar’s Syrian or Arabic heritage, have been the sources of his inspiration, particularly in the short form, and he has given me some interesting insights into the history of the form in the Middle East, both recent and older: there was an explosion of this form of writing in Syria in the 1990s; it became popular in magazines and newspapers as an expression of frustration at Syria’s bureaucracy and corruption and lack of freedom of expression. In an economically depressed time, too, there was a demand for the densest, briefest, most compressed of stories—a longer literary work was in fact a luxury—and these were shared and circulated freely and spontaneously, like personal anecdotes.

One of the best-known contemporary practitioners of the Arabic-language short story is the Syrian Zakaria Tamer, now in his eighties—many of his story collections have been translated into English and are available here. Going back another fifty years, there is the Lebanese literary and political rebel Khalil Gibran, with his formally innovative spiritual stories or prose poems, hugely popular in the American counter-culture of the sixties and an important influence on Alomar (Gibran himself being profoundly influenced by the earlier cosmopolitan Syrian prose poet Francis Marrash, who died in 1873). But the very short form has its roots in various Arabic literary traditions that go back to the Middle Ages and before, one important example being the mammoth story compilation One Thousand and One Nights (whose multi-cultural origins lie in the tenth century or arguably even earlier) and fable traditions like the Panchatantra, a third-century Indian set of linked animal tales imported into Arabic in the eighth century as the Kalila wa Dimna.

The personification of animal characters in the Kalila wa Dimna, for instance, finds its direct descendent in the naturalness and conviction with which Alomar personifies many of his protagonists, whether they be natural elements—the ocean, a lake, fire and water, breezes, clouds—or everyday objects such as a wistful and ambitious drop of oil, that cruel hammer and that gullible nail, a proud bag of garbage—or, yet again, abstractions such as freedom and time, allowing us to move easily into the alternate reality created in so many of these stories, whose forms range from moral fable to political fable to political allegory, to myth, to realistic moral tale, even to undisguised political statement, as in the title story “Fullblood Arabian” with its crushing final sentence.

The range of forms within this collection is matched by the versatility with which Alomar shifts tone, subject matter, and even structure from one story to the next. While some of the tales are explicitly angry or bitter, others are ironically detached, and still others make their point with a piece of sly wit, one of these being “The Pride of the Garbage,” in which a bag loaded with garbage, in its vainglory, is satisfied only if it is placed on the very top of the heap of bags bound for the dump. Formally, some stories proceed straight to the final shock or stunning image, as in “The Drop,” with its beautiful closing opposition of earth and sky. In others, the focus shifts smoothly, subtly, and naturally throughout the story, so that, to our surprise, the subject turns out to be something quite other than what we expected.

Such is the case in “Expired Eyes,” where the firm grounding of the plot in a realistic situation (a man enters his apartment after a day at work) allows us to accept its fantastical, perhaps futuristic ending (the man goes to his doctor to acquire a set of new eyes): here, realism is skillfully deployed, along with a reverberating emotional truth, in the service of fantasy. In Alomar’s stories, however, fantasy never devolves into mere whimsy. His magical imaginative creations are, every one, inspired by his deeply felt philosophical, moral, and political convictions, giving these tales a heartfelt urgency.

“Tongue Tie,” one of the simplest, neatest, and hardest-hitting, in its humorous restraint, ably illustrates this and can be quoted in full, being also one of the briefest:

Before leaving for work I tied my tongue into a great tie. My colleagues congratulated me on my elegance. They praised me to our boss, who expressed admiration and ordered all employees to follow my example!

* * *
Four stories by gtranslated from the Arabic by C. J. Collins with the author:

FULLBLOOD ARABIANTHE FIRST, wistfully: “If only I were a fullblood Arabian horse!”

THE SECOND, disdainfully: “Would you wish to be an animal when God in his mercy has created you as a human who belongs to a great and ancient nation proud of its glorious history?”

THE FIRST: “Man, don’t you know that the value of a fullbood Arabian horse in this world is far greater than the value of a fullblood Arabian human?”
THE PRIDE OF GARBAGEWhen the owner of the house picked up the bag of garbage and headed out to the street to throw it in the dumpster, the bag was overwhelmed with the fear that she would be put side by side with her companions. But when the man placed her on top of all the others, she became intoxicated with her greatness and looked down at them with disdain.
A DROPA drop of dried blood on the ground looked at the setting sun with an expression full of sadness. “Why do people look at that giant drop with happiness while they look at me with fear?” she asked in a weak voice. “We share the same roots!”

A reply came to her from somewhere unknown: “Because you are fixed to the surface of the earth and she is fixed to the sky.”
EXPIRED EYESClimbing up the steps to his home one night after working late, he staggered back and forth from exhaustion, carrying paper bags filled with fruits and vegetables. After entering the apartment and putting down the bags, he opened the door to his bedroom and was shocked to see his wife making love with insane ardor to a friend of their son’s. She glanced up at him, deliberately flashing him looks of malicious gloating. He rubbed his eyes hard and opened them to see her humbly performing her prayers. He rubbed his eyes again, this time with furious intensity, and opened them to see her dancing completely naked in front of the window that faced the house of their young neighbor. He closed his eyes in horror, rubbing them with two hands like tornadoes. When he opened them again, his wife was there, inviting him to share breakfast in bed, her eyes brimming with love and tenderness.

He knew then that the allotted time of his eyes had expired. He visited the most famous eye doctor in the country to have two new ones implanted—specially ordered fresh from the factory. And from that day on, he saw his wife exactly as he desired.

Lydia Davis received this year’s Man Booker International Prize. Her next collection of stories, “Can’t and Won’t” will be published next year.

C. J. Collins is a student of Arabic and a librarian currently based in Grafton, New York.

Osama Alomar was born in Damascus, Syria, in 1968, and is now living in Chicago. He is the author of three collections of short stories and a volume of poetry in Arabic, and performs as a musician. His short stories have been published by Noon, Conjunctions.com, The Coffin Factory, Electric Literature, and The Literary Review.

Photograph: Christopher Anderson/Magnum

 

see the full article here

Charlie Chaplin Factory scenes

Syria conflict: Barrel bombs show brutality of war

By Jonathan Marcus BBC defence correspondent

Citizen journalism image from Aleppo Media Centre of damage from barrel bombs
Activists said more than 70 people were killed when barrel bombs hit Aleppo in mid-December

For all the attention given to the issue of chemical weapons in Syria the fact remains that the overwhelming majority of deaths and injuries – especially civilian deaths and injuries – are caused by conventional weapons.

Many of them – like the barrel bombs reportedly used again in Aleppo by Syrian government forces during recent days – are home-made, relatively crude and totally indiscriminate in their impact.

The barrel bomb is essentially a large, home-made incendiary device. An oil barrel or similar cylindrical container filled with petrol, nails or other crude shrapnel, along with explosives.  With an appropriate fuse, they are simply rolled out of a helicopter.

The first recorded use of such weapons  goes back to late-August 2012.

Since then, weapons experts like the blogger Brown Moses and human rights groups have closely monitored their role in the conflict.

Large pipes were initially used but more recent examples have been more the size of oil drums. The weapons have been captured on video both in storage from a site overrun by rebel forces and also in at least one instance actually being rolled out of a government helicopter. Unexploded munitions have also been photographed.

Incendiary weapons which are defined as those intended to cause injury “through the action of flame or heat” are banned from use in populated civilian areas under the terms of the UN Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons. While Syria is not a party to the convention, the campaigning group Human Rights Watch has insisted that the employment of these weapons constitutes a war crime and that those responsible should be held to account.

International efforts to condemn the use of such weapons have been stymied again this week with Russia reportedly refusing to back a Western-proposed text at the UN Security Council that would have condemned the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for carrying out such indiscriminate attacks on civilian areas.

Syrians inspect the rubble of damaged buildings following a Syrian government airstrike in Aleppo on 17 December.
Rebels say government forces have been using barrel bombs in Aleppo for days

Why use them?

A spokesman for the US delegation reacted angrily, noting that the US was  “very disappointed that a Security Council statement expressing our collective outrage at the brutal and indiscriminate tactics employed by the Syrian regime against civilians has been blocked”.

This, of course, is consistent with Moscow’s broader diplomatic approach. As one of the Syrian government’s few allies, it has blocked any concerted UN Security Council action on Syria.

Quite why the Syrian government should resort to the use of these home-made munitions is unclear.

While in no sense accurate, they are probably easier to deploy from helicopters over built-up areas.

Hitting such targets with fast-moving fixed-wing aircraft would be more difficult.

Syria of course has also used a variety of Russian-supplied air-delivered cluster munitions which again are highly indiscriminate weapons when used in civilian areas.

The Syrian government’s use of these types of munitions against its own population in rebel-held areas is a measure of the brutality of the conflict, which shows no sign of abating even as plans to remove chemical stocks from the country move into high gear. 

main story

Stop Starvation in Syria | End the Blockades

December 19, 2013

Call to Join the International Hunger Strike

Syrians are slowly dying of malnutrition – but not for lack of food.  A military blockade surrounds dozens of Syrian towns.  This starvation siege prevents 1.5 million Syrians from receiving food or medicine.

Qusai Zakarya is one of them.  He is 28 years old.  Qusai declared a hunger strike on November 26, to demand food and medicine be allowed to reach civilians across military lines in Syria.  “We are all hungry here in my hometown anyway.  Let me be hungry for a purpose,” Qusai says.

We are starting the first phase of a “rolling” solidarity hunger strike onFriday, December 20, where someone will do a hunger strike every day in support of the hunger strikers in Syria through the rest of December.

We are also working on putting together a list of supporters for launching a larger campaign leading up to the Geneva Conference in January.  We are asking that you commit to one day of a symbolic hunger strike and that you give us permission to put your name on the materials to publicize the hunger strikes more widely.  We also ask, if you are able, to send in a photo of yourself or group to stopthesiege@gmail.com, maybe with a sign illustrating your participation.

Our goals:

  • To call for food and medicine now to all besieged towns in Syria.
  • To call for a binding resolution from the UN Security Council requiring the regime in Syria and all armed parties to allow humanitarian organizations immediate unfettered access to aid the civilian population without discrimination, including cross-border access and cross-line access (from regime-controlled areas into rebel-controlled areas).
  • To alert media and political representatives to this situation.
  • To support this act of civil resistance in Syria.

Can you join us this holiday season in standing in solidarity with Syrians?  People of conscience everywhere must act to break the siege that is affecting over a million people. In Solidarity and Hope,

  • Keith Ellison, U.S. Representative for Minnesota’s 5th Congressional District
  • Razan Ghazzawi, Syrian blogger-activist & former political prisoner
  • Rev. Kristin Stoneking, Executive Director, Fellowship of Reconciliation
  • Gail Daneker, Friends for a Nonviolent World, Director of Peace Education Advocacy
  • Huwaida Arraf, Palestinian American co-founder of International Solidarity Movement
  • Medea Benjamin, Code Pink
  • Yassin al-Haj Saleh, Syrian writer & former political prisoner
  • Mona Eltahawy, Egyptian feminist writer
  • Rabbi Lynn Gottlieb, Co-Founder of Shomer Shalom Network of Jewish Nonviolence
  • Jawdat Said, Syrian nonviolence teacher for over fifty years
  • Marilyn Hacker, American Poet
  • Mina Hamilton, American Writer
  • Muhammad Idrees Ahmad, Lecturer, University for the Creative Arts
  • Michael Nagler, Metta Center for Nonviolence
  • Stephen Zunes, Professor of Politics and International Studies, University of San Francisco
  • Suad Mohamed, University of Virginia
  • Danny Postel, University of Denver
  • Bob Nechal, Friends for a Nonviolent World
  • Nader Hashemi, University of Denver
  • Raed Fares, Media Office Director for the Town of Kafr Nbel, Syria
  • Afra Jalabi, Syrian Nonviolence Movement
  • Mohja Kahf, Syrian American poet & academic
  • Linda Thomson, Minnesota Peace Project
  • Ian Keith, St Paul Elementary School Teacher
  • Wael Khouli, Physician and Human Rights Activist
  • Mazen Halabi, Community Activist
  • Cathy Murphy, Peace Activist
  • Andy Berman, Veterans for Peace
  • Terry Burke, Friends for a Nonviolent World
  • Nicole Halabi, School Administrator
  • Wendy Tuck, Educator

(organizations listed for identification only)

Join us! Please sign up by sending your information to stopthesiege@gmail.com

Name: Affiliation: Country: E-mail:

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