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Syria Top Goon: Diaries of a Little Dictator

571. Tara said:

Aboud was the first who cones the name Besho.  The name is going regional

http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-503543_162-57341297-503543/top-goon-puppet-show-takes-aim-at-syrias-assad/

Puppet characters from “Top Goon: Diaries of a Little Dictator.” Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad is on the right. (Credit: Masasit Mati) This post originally appeared on Global Post. It was written by Hugh Macleod and Annasofie Flamand.
BEIRUT, Lebanon – The whip cracks against the prisoner’s back as the man with the moustache and the military uniform repeats his accusation: “You want freedom, right? Freedom?”

The whip comes down again and the prisoner punches the wall in pain.

“What kind of freedom is it you want?” demands the torturer. The freedom the puppet protester seeks, he tells his torturer, is “one where you and I wouldn’t be here. You’d be with your kids and I’d be with my family.”

And then a reply that explains why this small scene from a series of dramatic vignettes played out by finger puppets is among the boldest works of art to have grown out of the unprecedented upheaval in Syrian society.

“You bastard!” retorts the man from Assad’s security services. “I am here because of you.” But the protester has understood the paradox: “You are here because you are not free,” he says. “You are imprisoned just like me. I’ll leave prison in a month or two. But you’ll stay here. Because you are afraid to take your freedom.”

Since its launch on YouTube two weeks ago, the series, “Top Goon: Diaries of a Little Dictator,” has received more than 40,000 views and garnered lavish praise and occasional furious outbursts from audiences stunned by its unprecedented and very personal lampooning of Syria’s struggling president, Bashar al-Assad. And, importantly for the country’s increasingly polarized society, by its refusal to indulge in easy answers.

In a Syria divided between regime and opposition, between mainly Sunni Muslim protesters and the Allawite Shiite Muslims who dominate Assad’s security services, between aggressor and victim, the perspective presented in this upcoming episode of Syrian theater group Masasit Mati’s groundbreaking drama is a rejection of black and white views.

The shabih, or pro-Assad thug, is seen not simply as the oppressor — though he most clearly is that — but also as another kind of victim of the regime, while the protester, though enduring a whipping, is by no means simply a victim, but rather a figure of strength, as he says, “a free Syrian who refuses humiliation.”

“The idea for this dialogue came from a real life example,” Jamil, Masasit Mati’s director told GlobalPost, which was shown a preview of the seventh episode of the series, due for release on Sunday.

“But it was actually the other way around: A friend of ours was in prison and heard the interrogator telling a prisoner, ‘Why are you doing this to us? You are forcing us to stay here. You are imprisoning us.’ We wanted to say that even the shabiha are brought up like slaves to serve the regime.”

A collaboration between a group of 10 artists from inside Syria and named after the straw used to drink mati, a herbal tea popular among Syrians who sip it over lengthy conversation, Jamil said the aim of Top Goon’s finger puppets was to bolster audiences in the best tradition of black comedy, even as blood continues to be spilled in the regime’s unrelenting crackdown on pro-democracy protesters.

“Comedy strips things bare and gives you the strength to fight. Of course, with black comedy the laughter gets stuck in your throat. It makes you laugh and cry at same time,” Jamil said. “But we will not allow the regime to turn us into victims that just cry and stay at home all the time.”

The emergence of Masasit Mati’s series comes amid a critical stage in what the International Crisis Group aptly describes as Syria’s “slow motion revolution,” by far the most drawn out of this year’s Arab uprisings.

The United Nations now estimates at least 4,000 Syrians have been killed since the crackdown began in mid-March, but human rights group Avaaz, which has researchers inside Syria, says it has registered more than 6,500 killed, with at least 20,000 arrested or disappeared, including last week a high profile 30-year-old female blogger, Razan Ghazzawi.

In a report released last month, Human Rights Watch said the regime’s crackdown against civilians in the central city of Homs, including systematic torture, constitutes crimes against humanity.

Last week Avaaz reported the kidnap of 14 Sunnis, including six women, in Homs as they traveled by bus near an Allawite neighborhood, with a senior Western diplomat in Damascus warning a sectarian war in the city is already underway.

Finding ways to make its largely Syrian audience laugh amid all the bloodshed and violence is no mean feat, but Masasit Mati has tapped a rich vein of satire in its portrayal of Syria’s president.

Bashar, or Beeshu — a kind of baby name he is known by in the series — swings wildly between the character of a child suffering attention deficit disorder and the spoiled autocrat in his nightcap, comforted to sleep by his most trusted thug, in the episode Bishou’s Nightmares.

“The regime has fallen,” cries Beeshu, waking from his nightmare as his shabih opens fire on unseen opponents. “Shabih you moron!” screams Syria’s dictator. “It was only in my dream!”

Later Beeshu is seen flying into a rage on a game show, Who Wants to Kill a Million?, angered that his assertion of crushing the protesters is not the right final answer. Later his son and daughter challenge him over the killing of Syrian children and he responds by calling on his goon to put down this domestic uprising.

“We only kill our own people, but on the Golan Heights [Syrian territory occupied by Israel] we are a peaceful army,” Beeshu assures his audience during the episode, Talk Show, modelled on a famous talk show on Al Jazeera.

The direct and confrontational story lines, seeking to expose the lies by which the Assad regime has depicted its 41-year dictatorship as the choice of the Syrian people and a sacrifice in the name of Palestinian freedom from Israeli occupation, has won Masasit Mati rave reviews.

“It’s so good it’s driving me crazy,” posted one fan on the group’s Facebook wall. “I want to see a Masasit Mati TV station.” “It’s very good work and we watch it with our kids,” posted another, adding irreverently: “All we want to know is which finger you put Bashar on.”

Not everybody has greeted the series with such acclaim, however. Among the outpourings of praise, a few viewers have taken deep offense and posted threats that are unpublishable but tend to center on sexual violence against the mothers and sisters of Masasit Mati’s members.

“It’s kind of obvious it comes from the security apparatus,” said Jamil, who uses a pseudonym and did not wish to reveal his whereabouts.

The threat to the safety of those who would ridicule Syria’s president in words or pictures is all too serious. In July, a man identified as Ibrahim Kashoush was found with his throat slit in Hama after leading carnival-like street songs ridiculing the president.

A month later masked gunmen attacked Syria’s best known political cartoonist days after he published a cartoon showing Assad hitching a lift out of town with Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi. The attackers fractured Farzat’s arm, left him with a black eye and symbolically broke two of his fingers.

In the Top Goon series, the voice of Bishou mimics the president’s lisping pronunciation of the letter S and shows the president giggling inappropriately and telling bad jokes while delivering rambling speeches on reforms, such as the Law of Gravity that he says will put an end to the so-called ‘flying protests’ — spontaneous and short demonstrations by the opposition.

The series got an unexpected boost last week with the broadcast of an interview with Assad on US network ABC in which the president denied all responsibility for the killing of protesters, telling ABC’s Barbara Walters that Syria’s security forces “are not my forces,” despite, as president, he is constitutionally sitting as commander of all Syria’s armed forces.

“We don’t kill our people,” Assad said. “No government in the world kills its people, unless it’s led by a crazy person. Most of the people that have been killed are supporters of the government.”

“We used to worry that people outside Syria might think the things we show in Top Goon are exaggerated,” Jamil said. “But after we saw Assad’s interview we decided to run it on its own as episode five and a half because the interview was more comic than we could have imagined. We didn’t even have to make something up.”

Liberté “Liberty” – Syrian story simply put in a creative way – Free Syria

[youtube http://youtu.be/upAYUCyy8KA?]

IDF kills Palestinian protester and tweets ‘#Fail’

by Phan Nguyen on December 10, 2011 49

Warning: graphic image below 

Usually when the Israeli military kills a high profile civilian, the response from its spokespeople is limited to words along the lines of: “It’s under investigation, but we’re innocent anyway.”

However, with the shooting and eventual killing of Mustafa Tamimi, the IDF feels free to speak its mind via Twitter. Here’s what its spokespeople have to say:

IDF Spokesperson Lt. Col. Avital Leibovich:

1 Leibovich

IDF Spokesperson Capt. Barak Raz:

2 Raz

In other words, the smoking gun is the slingshot, not the tear gas launcher that was fired at close range from an armored Israeli miltary jeep that was invading a Palestinian village situated outside of Israel.

Personally, I couldn’t care less if Tamimi had a boulder and a catapult in his back pocket. But there’s something depressing about laying out a single slingshot for display as if it were a major arms or drugs cache at a press conference.

And is it me, or is it rather tasteless to boast that you are treating someone in your fine, fine hospital right after you shot that person in the face?

IDF Spokesperson Maj. Peter Lerner:

Lerner600

That’s right. If Tamimi really had nothing to hide, he would have been wearing olive green fatigues, combat boots and a helmet, while firing from the back of an armored military jeep.

However, the award for the most sickening response to the shooting of Mustafa Tamimi is this additional tweet from Lerner, which was retweeted by Leibovich:

4 Lerner

Take a look at the image below and imagine Lerner’s “#Fail” hashtag superimposed on it. Then excuse yourself and vomit.

5 Tamimi
(Photo: Lazar Simeonov)

About Phan Nguyen

Phan Nguyen is a Palestine solidarity activist based in New York.

{ 49 comments… read them here}

  1. What more can one say than Israel is a nation of bloody sadists?

    • MRW says:

      Nothing more, Jeffrey. At least, they should drop the ‘moral’ ‘democracy’ monikers. They’ve got an army of barnyard animals.
      ___________________________

      The triptych (L–>R) should be Mustafa’s face, the slingshot, the armored military jeep.
      The caption beneath should read ‘The IDF did this because Mustafa used this against this’.

Netanyahu lies through his teeth with a straight face

[youtube http://youtu.be/O7C1Y5H8AN0?]

A family of martyrs

“The FATHER killed my father.
The SON killed my son.
I am the mother of martyr Kamel Shahoud,
and the daughter of martyr Jameel Najjar”

Mustafa Khalifa. Al-Qawqa’a [The Shell]

Syrian Studies Association Newsletter 14.2 (2009) Spring Issue Book Review: A Memoir-Novel of Tadmur Military Prison
Mustafa Khalifa. Al-Qawqa’a [The Shell]. Beirut: Dar al-Adab (http://adabmag.com/books) ,
2008.

[This review is based on the Arabic original. The book is also available in French:
Moustafa Khalifé. La Coquille: Prisonnier politique en Syrie. Traduction Stéphanie
Dujols. Arles: Actes Sud, 2007.]
By Shareah Taleghani
In 2001, following the release of several hundred political prisoners, the Syrian
government ordered the closure of its most notorious detention center—Tadmur Military
Prison.

Located in the desert near the ancient site of Palmyra and originally built by the
French Mandate authorities, Tadmur has been described as a “kingdom of death and
madness” by Syrian poet Faraj Bayraqdar and the “absolute prison” by dissident Yassin
al-Haj Salih.

The abject conditions of torture, daily degradation, and arbitrary execution
which prisoners experienced there were the subject of intense scrutiny by both
international and local human rights organizations throughout the 1980s and up until its
doors were finally closed almost eight years ago. The site of a massacre of suspected
members of the Muslim Brotherhood in 1980, Tadmur, according to a 2001 report by
Amnesty International, was and is “synonymous with suffering”.
In the recent proliferation of contemporary Syrian prison literature, most narrative
accounts of prisoners’ experiences of surviving the conditions of Tadmur have been
circulated in the form of testimonials and memoirs.

Aside from a website dedicated to testimonies of former Tadmur prisoners, Muhammad Salim Hammad’s prison memoir
Tadmur: Shahid wa-Mashhud [Witness and Witnessed] recounts in linear and
chronological fashion his experience of detention and torture at the prison as a suspected
member of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Faraj Bayraqdar’s own poetic prison memoir
Khiyanat al-Lugha wa al-Samt [The Betrayals of Language and Silence] (2005) dedicates
an entire chapter to what he calls “Tadmuriat”—brief, disjointed fragments of
descriptions of terrifying events and moments he witnessed while detained at the
infamous prison—moments that appear to escape the possibility of representation
because they are “beyond surrealism”.
Mustafa Khalifa’s recently published work al-Qawqa’a [The Shell] (2008) is one of the
first novels dedicated to the story of a detainee’s imprisonment in Tadmur. Detained
himself from 1982 to 1994, the author presents the story of a seemingly apolitical
protagonist who returns to his homeland after studying film in Paris and is arbitrarily
detained.

Musa is arrested upon arriving at the airport, brutally tortured at an
interrogation center of the military security service, mistakenly placed with detainees
who are members of or suspected members of the Muslim Brotherhood, and then sent to
the “desert prison”.

He will not learn what precise crime he had been accused of until
close to the time of his release. Like many prisoners, Musa discovers and masters the
skill of oral composition and memorization. He has no paper and no pen. But throughout
his detention, in his mind, he composes his diaries, memorizes them word by word and
sentence by sentence, and retains each entry in his memory until he is eventually able to
record them on paper after his release. Except for the very beginning, the novel is
composed of these dated entries—some just a day or two apart and some separated by
several months. Each entry contains parenthetical observations—editorial comments or
additions that the narrator makes to his own memorized composition, seemingly at a later
point in time.
Musa is never sentenced by a court, and he is never placed on trial, but he will spend
twelve years in the desert prison. He is however, sentenced to silence by his fellow
detainees, when he is overheard telling his torturers that first, he is a Christian and then
declaring himself an atheist and therefore in no way affiliated with the Muslim
Brotherhood.

Ostracized completely by the rest of the inmates in his mahja’ (dormitory
or communal cell), he describes himself as withdrawing into his shell. The subtitle of the
novel is “diary of a secret observer” (yawmiat mutalassis).

Musa is constantly “peering”
or “creeping out of” his shell; he listens attentively, meticulously observes, and diligently
records all of the horrors he witnesses in the prison. From the beginning of his enforced
sojourn in detention, his life is threatened not only by the brutality of daily forms of
torture and degradation, but by the Islamist extremists in his cell who believe that he
should be executed as an unbeliever.

Rescued and then protected by the moderate
pacifist Shaykh Darwish and a physician who treated the wounds afflicted by his torture,
Dr. Zahi, he nonetheless remains isolated for ten years. No one will speak to him
because he is impure—this silencing imposed not just by his jailors but by his fellow
inmates mimics the muting of thousands of political prisoners who passed through
Tadmur and other sites in Syria’s infamous carceral archipelago who have never been
able to tell their stories.
Nonetheless, Musa speaks through his diary, and in doing so, he introduces his reader to a
gruesome lexicon of torture and detention. He tells of the “reception” the prisoners
receive upon their arrival to the prison: each is forced to drink the putrid filthy water
from a sewage drain. Those who resist are beaten to death. Those who drink are treated
to more torture or “hospitality” as the guards call it.

Day after day, the torture continues.
Daily activities can bring arbitrary death. He describes the “breather” or break where
prisoners are routinely whipped, lashed, and beaten. He recounts how prisoners were not
allowed to raise their eyes towards their jailors. He recollects the warden coming into the
cell and randomly executing fourteen of his cellmates because of a threat he received in
the outside world.

He witnesses the weekly execution and trials of inmates in the
courtyard through a tiny hole he discovers in the wall of his communal cell. He also
methodically describes daily aspects of prison life—surviving the baths, illicit prayers,
the confining, airless dimensions of the mahja’, the brutal shaving of prisoners heads and
faces, the secret forms of communication between prison cells, the innovative modes
prisoners use to treat the sick and wounded when deprived of medical care, and the
myriad forms of resistance that detainees develop despite the ever looming threat of
death.
Musa will remain in complete isolation from his cellmates for ten years. After nearly a
decade, he is once again confronted by an extremist calling for Musa’s trial, judgment,
and execution by the other prisoners; finally, he breaks his silence and vocally confronts
his would-be executioner.

From that moment, he becomes intimate friends with Nasim—
an inmate who was detained as a hostage due to his brother’s affiliation with the Muslim
Brotherhood.

Like others, Nasim will eventually suffer a breakdown; his dissent into
madness occurs when three brothers are executed after their father was promised that the
youngest would be spared. Abruptly, in twelfth year of detention, Musa is transferred
from the prison back to the military interrogation center.

He learns that his influential
uncle has been attempting to obtain his release. But before he is actually freed, he will be
interrogated in three different branches of the security services because he refuses to
confess to belonging to any political organization, to write a thank you letter to the Syrian
president for his release, or to renounce involvement in politics.
After his release, Musa returns to his family home that he inherited from his father and
lives with his niece and her family. Despite family pressure to marry and to work, he
does neither. He isolates himself from the world around him. Eventually, he learns that
Nasim as well as others he was imprisoned with have been released. Nasim, however,
has never recovered from his breakdown, and takes his own life in front of Musa after a
brief reunion of former cellmates.

At the end of the novel, there is no sense of
celebratory liberation for Musa. Instead, noting that he has never truly been released
from prison, he describes himself as having lost the ability to communicate, as perceiving
an insurmountable abyss between himself and all others, and as carrying a grave within
himself. Rather than creep out of his “shell” to watch and record what is happening
around him, he remarks: “I do not want to look outside. I close its holes in order to turn
my gaze entirely to the inside, to me, to my self”.
Narrated in stark, simple language, the basic plot of The Shell, along with the framing
device of a prison journal, will be familiar to readers of prison literature. Khalifa’s direct,
documentary style lacks elements of formal experimentation seen in other recent works
of Syrian prison literature such as the fragmented, stream of consciousness narration in
Hasiba ‘Abdalrahman’s prison novel Al-Sharnaqa [The Cocoon] (1999) or Malik
Daghastani’s Duwar al-Hurriya [The Vertigo of Freedom] (2002).

However, the
absence of experiment with form in the text does not detract from impact of the narrative
on the reader. The history of Tadmur Military Prison, the stories of the human lives
detained and lost inside its walls, are still in the process of being written, and Mustafa
Khalifa’s The Shell marks a significant contribution to the beginning of that process.
Shareah Taleghani is a PhD candidate in modern Arabic literature in the Dept. of Middle
Eastern and Islamic Studies at New York University. She is completing her dissertation
on the relationships between contemporary Syrian and Arabic prison literature, human
rights discourse, and literary experimentalism.

Source : http://www.scpss.org/libs/spaw/uploads/files/English%20Content/Books/TheShell.pdf

Palestinians are an invented people, says Newt Gingrich

Republican frontrunner says Israelis have a right to their modern-day homeland but implies Palestinians do not

Newt Gingrich declares the Palestinians an ‘invented’ people.The US Republican presidential hopeful Newt Gingrich has declared that the Palestinians are an “invented” people who want to destroy Israel.

The Jewish Channel, a cable TV station, posted online its interview with the former US House speaker, who has risen to the top of Republican nomination candidates to challenge Democratic President Barack Obama in the November 2012 election.

Gingrich differed from official US policy that respects the Palestinians as a people deserving of their own state based on negotiations with Israel. “Remember, there was no Palestine as a state. It was part of the Ottoman Empire” until the early 20th century, Gingrich said.

“I think that we’ve had an invented Palestinian people who are in fact Arabs and who were historically part of the Arab community. And they had a chance to go many places, and for a variety of political reasons we have sustained this war against Israel now since the 1940s, and it’s tragic,” he said.

Most historians mark the start of Palestinian Arab nationalist sentiment as 1834, when Arab residents of the Palestinian region revolted against Ottoman rule.

Modern-day Israel, founded amid the 1948 Arab-Israel war, took shape along the lines of a 1947 UN plan for ethnic partition of the then-British ruled territory of Palestine. Arabs rejected the division.

Gingrich and other Republican candidates are seeking to attract Jewish support by vowing to bolster US ties with Israel if elected.

Gingrich said the Hamas militant group, which controls the Gaza Strip, and the the governing Palestinian Authority, which controls the West Bank, represented “an enormous desire to destroy Israel”.

The US government has sought to encourage the Palestinian Authority to negotiate with Israel but regards Hamas as a terrorist group.

The Palestinian Authority president, Mahmoud Abbas, opposes violence against Israel as a means to secure an independent state, pinning his hopes first on negotiations and more recently on a unilateral bid for statehood via the United Nations.

Gingrich said he would be willing to consider granting clemency to Jonathan Jay Pollard, who has been serving life since 1987 for passing US secrets to Israel. Successive US presidents have refused Israel’s requests to free him.

“If we can get to a point where I’m satisfied that there’s no national security threat, and if he’s in fact served within the range of people who’ve had a similar problem, then I’d be inclined to consider clemency,” Gingrich said.

Gingrich sharply criticised the Obama administration’s approach to Middle East diplomacy, saying it was “so out of touch with reality that it would be like taking your child to the zoo and explaining that a lion was a bunny rabbit”.

source

My testimony to the Committee Against Torture in Geneva about torture in Sednaya Prison

I was beaten while being questioned by State Security Intelligence, Branch No. 285 (based in Damascus). The interrogator slapped and punched me several times, and I was forced to stand, blindfolded with my hands cuffed behind my back, for the entire three-hour interrogation.  The interrogator more than once threatened to use the “tire” on me and whip me. When I refused to answer some questions, I was made to kneel down on my knees.

Prisoners arrive at the Sednaya Prison cuffed and blindfolded, having no idea where the security truck is taking them as they leave the detention centre. Prisoners are usually transferred in groups. After I reached the prison, I was thrown in a solitary cell; it was smaller than I was and I could not stretch out. The cell was two floors underground, dark with no light, measuring about 160 by 180 cm. It contained a detached toilet about halfway up the wall. The cell smelled awful and filth was everywhere.

The next day, food was distributed. Through holes in the door, I saw rations in front of each cell for four people. It later turned out that the two solitary cells facing mine and next to me held four individuals—four people packed into the same space that was confining for me alone.

In the evening, I heard the First Aide to the Director of the Shift Guard tell the guards not to touch me, since I was connected to the press and appear on television. He told them that the prison director explicitly stated that “we don’t want problems with this prisoner.”

Groups of prisoners began arriving in the next few days. I spent 55 days in that cell during which two groups of prisoners arrived, each one numbering seven to ten people. Three prisoners arrived individually.

The guards began screaming, “They’ve brought them, they’ve brought them! May God send good fortune, bring the tire.” Prisoners arrived to the hall, lined on both sides by solitary cells like mine. More than ten guards arrived with a major from the Military Police, which runs the Sednaya Prison. The guards began beating the prisoners using rubber car tires. The prisoner would lie on his back and bend his legs, after which the tire would be put around his legs. Then the prisoner would be turned face down and a guard would stand on his back to prevent him from moving. Other guards would then whip the soles of his feet, and the screams would grow louder. The whipping was done with a very thick piece of rubber, probably an engine belt from a large machine.

The guards beat the prisoners—at the very least, each prisoner got more than 50 lashes. During the whipping, a guard would stand on the prisoner’s back to prevent him from moving and the major would make fun of the prisoners as they were being tortured. This is a verbatim dialogue of the conversation between the major and a prisoner undergoing torture:

Major: What do you do?

Prisoner: I’m a farmer.

Major: So you know what a tractor sounds like.

Prisoner: Yes sir, I know.

Major: So let’s see. Make me the sound of a tractor or else the beating won’t stop.

Prisoner: I swear, I don’t know how, sir.

Major: You don’t know, or you forgot?

Prisoner: I forgot, I forgot the sound.

Major to the guards: So remind him (an order to whip him).

The guards gave him more than 20 lashes and the prisoner screamed.

The major stopped the guards and asked the prisoner: So, have you remembered?

Prisoner: Yes, yes, I’ve remembered.

Major: So do it, make the sound of a tractor.

The prisoner began making a tractor-like sound while the major and guards laughed for five minutes.

The major ordered the prisoner to be quiet: So, you remembered quite well. Now c’mon, make him forget

the sound again.

He ordered a new round of beating and the guards gave him more than 20 lashes.

At this point, another prisoner had nearly passed out from his own screaming. The major stopped the

guards and threw water on the prisoner’s face.

Major: Are you okay?

Prisoner: If you want to whip me, whip me, but don’t let anyone stand on my back. I swear, I can’t

breathe.

Instead of stopping the torture, the major followed his wishes and he was whipped without having a guard stand on his back to restrain him. This torture session lasted more than two and a half hours, after which the prisoners were stuffed four in a cell, as small as mine.

The second group of prisoners was larger. This time a different officer, a captain, came, but the captain also kept his sense of humor while torturing the prisoners.

During the whippings, he would ask the guards to stop and then order the prisoner restrained by the car tire to sing. He would say, “Sing this song by so-and-so,” and then later the singing would be used to justify more torture. The captain would scream, “Shut up! Shut up! Your voice is disgusting. Give me a scream instead of a song,” and then he would gesture at the guards to resume the whipping.

Later the captain would order the prisoner to bark, howl, or make other animal sounds. After one prisoner began howling like a dog at the captain’s order, the captain shouted at the guards, “I told you he’s a dog. Go ahead and beat him.” The guards then began beating him again.

This torture session lasted more than three hours, after which the prisoners were placed in solitary cells like mine.

Three prisoners arrived individually, not part of groups. The three were severely beaten. Apparently, if a prisoner arrives by himself, it gives the guards more time to be creative with the beating.

One prisoner, Khidr Abdullah Ramadan, reached the Sednaya Prison on about April 18, 2006, after being held for 70 days at a military detention branch run by Military Intelligence.

The prisoner was placed in the “tire” and four guards began whipping him. They competed to see who could cause him the most pain, who could make him scream more. I started to count the lashes until I reached 58 and then stopped when I realized that the session would be a long one. During the whipping, the guards began getting inventing new methods, like jumping up in the air and then bring the whip down on the prisoner’s feet. After whipping for more than 30 minutes, by four guards together, they couldn’t find any empty space in any cell. They sent for the first aide and he came. They told him there was no other place but with the journalist, meaning me. The aide vehemently refused and insisted on stuffing the prisoner into any other cell. At that point, one of the guards said, “We’ve got 131 prisoners in 31 solitary [cells], where should we go with him, sir?”

The aide opened the door of my cell, came up to me, and said, “Look, we didn’t treat you like the rest. We’re treating you much better. You know that. This prisoner’s going to share your cell. Talk is prohibited. If anything happens, it’s him we’ll beat. We’ll torture him very badly, and it’ll be on your conscience.”

The young man, his head completely shaved, was brought into my cell, which was too small for just me alone. The guards forced him to jog for a half hour so the blood wouldn’t clot on his feet. They kept saying, “Trot, you animal.”I carried the young man to the toilet for three days after that since he could not stand on his feet.

Abdullah, my cellmate, told me terrifying stories about the torture he had seen at the military interrogation center in Damascus. He had spent 70 days there in a group cell. He said that he wasn’t beaten at all at the branch, but that every day a prisoner would be taken in for interrogation and would be brought back bleeding on a blanket. The thing he most remembered was one prisoner who was severely injured by the torture. After he was carried on the military blanket and thrown down by the soldiers, he didn’t stop bleeding. The prisoners started screaming that he would die. The soldiers came back with some gauze and disinfectant and threw them through the small slot in the door of the cell and told the prisoners to clean up his wounds.

Often the soldiers, the prison guards at the Sednaya Prison, would force the prisoners to make sport. A guard would open the small slot in the cell door and order the prisoners to lie down, stand up, jog, or jump, knowing that the cell wasn’t big enough for even one prisoner to do this.

In some cases, the prisoners would bang on the cell door. When the guard would ask who it was, the prisoner had to answer with his cell number; the use of names was prohibited. Most often, the prisoners asked for water. The water in the cells had been cut off and was turned on for only ten minutes three times a day. When the water was turned on, the guards would tell the prisoners to fill their plastic containers or to use the toilet.

The scarcity of water was a big problem in the Sednaya Prison. I spent 55 days in that filthy cell, bathing only once. Prisoners began scratching themselves. The guards were worried and sent for the prison doctor an officer at the rank of first lieutenant, who diagnosed the problem as scabies. He ordered the guards to distribute a gallon of hot water to every prisoner, and he gave them a disinfectant solution which they put in the water. That was the only time I bathed.

After that, I spent 18 days in a group cell on the third floor, measuring 9 by 6 meters. It was very large. I was placed in there with my father, the writer Ali al-Abdullah, who told me about cases that were totally like what I had seen.

In the two months we spent there together, I learned for certain that as soon as any prisoner arrives to the Sednaya Prison, he is greeted the same way, in what is known as a welcoming party, or the welcoming tire. The beating is very severe, after which he is placed in a solitary cell with three other prisoners for up to one full year, during which time he does not breathe, or see light or sunshine. He only bathes if the doctor orders it, fearing the spread of scabies or other skin diseases.

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The Techniques of Torture in the Prisons of Syrian Security Forces

REMEMBER SYRIA

SNN | #Syria:

The following report shows a condensed summary of the techniques of torture adopted in the prisons of the Syrian security forces during the last nine months of the popular uprising in Syria. It is based on written testimonies of some released detainees, who do not know each other, where the technique of torture is documented in the below summary only if three detainees agree unanimously on the fact that they were subjected to this kind of torture.

All the written testimonies of the former detainees are saved at the the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights in London.

The following is a summarised presentation of the first part of the techniques of torture adopted in the prisons of Syrian security forces since the beginning of the popular uprising in Syria on March 15th, 2011, which will be followed by the second and third parts in the near future:

1 – Electric Shock: where the live electric cable is put, after separating the copper small wires which comprise the element that transfers electricity within the plastic sheath of the cable, and spreading it on a distance that ranges from 5-10 cm in order to be used to stun the detainee electrically on the ears, nose, mouth, body parts, trunk, and the genitals of the detainee.

2 – Torture in the Wheel: where the detainee is put inside two large vehicles’ wheels, in a position that his backside is down, his hands are tied behind his back, and only his head and feet are on the wheels as to be beaten up on his face and feet until they bleed, and then they shift to another way of torture.

3 – Torture With Metal Chair: it is a metal chair frame that has got no seat, where the detainee is enforced to sit on it in a position in which his backside is limited to the boundaries of the seat metallic frame after it gets down near the ground so that makes all parts of his back and the back side of the legs and thighs exposed to brutal beating with the so-called quadripartite cable, which is a thick stripe used to conduct the high voltage electricity with a diameter that is more than 5 cm whose tip that is used for torture is stripped so that the small copper wires become cutting tools which tear up the skin of the detainee when he or she is beaten up with it.

4 – The Tying Up, Kicking, and Booting: where the two feet of the detainee are tied up, his hands get tied behind his back, and he is put on the ground as to be kicked and booted with the huge military boots worn by the investigators on all parts of his body, with a special focus on kicking the chest and the genitals of the detainee until they get swollen as a result of the inner bleeding and become several times bigger than their normal size. In many cases, the detainee vomits blood due to the dangerous visceral lacerations at the level of the gastrointestinal and respiratory track that occur as a result of such violent beating.

5 – Torture by the struggle with the wedged cat: it is a technique mainly used with female detainees in order to avow some information about the places where the activists are hidden. This happens by unclothing the woman of all her clothes, and enforcing her to get into a large bag of cannabis usually used to transfer compost or forage in Syria, and then letting a big cat in and wedging it with the detainee in the same bag so that the cat uses all of its claws and canine teeth in an attempt to get out of the bag in which it is wedged, the thing that causes absolute surficial and deep wounds on the whole body of the detained woman.

6 – Pincer Technique: it happens through using the pincer that builders use to root out the nails from the wooden stems used for construction, where such pincer is used first to pluck out the hair of the detainee’s head, uprooting his nails one by one, and then rooting out his teeth. This technique is mostly used with the children between 14 and 18 years old.

7 – Urinating in the detainee’s mouth: where the warder enforces the detainee to open his mouth so that the warder can urinate in it, and enforces him to swallow the urine.

8 – Burning Technique: it happens by extinguishing cigarettes smoked by the warders in the detainee’s body, in addition to using cigarette lighters to burn different parts of the detainee’s body, especially the most innervated areas like the genitalia and the breasts.

9 – Deaf Technique: it is based on the violent and repeated slapping of the detainee on the area of the ear until the eardrum is torn up and the ear of the detainee starts bleeding, and then he becomes deaf as a result of the intense bleeding that occurs in the middle ear of the detainee that has been exposed to the severe contusion.

10 – Roasted Thicken Technique: it happens through tying up the hands of the detainee behind his knees, and then inserting an iron rod, of the type used in the concrete construction, under his armpits, and then the detainee gets hung on a special holder of that technique so that the warder pushes the detainee from time to time to fluctuate and suffer from an intense pain due to the friction of the metal rod with his armpits. The detainee is left in such position for long hours that may last 20 hours a day.

11 – Ghost Technique: it means transforming the detainee into a ghost. This occurs through putting handcuffs on the detainee’s hands and hanging him to the ceiling of the investigation room, in a position where his feet do not touch the ground. He is left as such for long hours of up to 20 hours a day. This leads to the paralysis of hands due to the stretch and contusion of hands’ nerves. It causes dangerous dislocations on the joints of the hands and irreversible deformations as a result of this type of torture. It should be noted that this kind of torture is the most common, and it is used almost with all detainees without exceptions.

12 – Wind Carpet Technique: it occurs by putting the detainee on a plank in the mid of which exist joints that allow the folding of the board so that the detainee’s hands and feet get tied to the front and back of the plank, and his face on the ground of it. Then, the front side of the plank is lifted as to fold it so that the body of the detainee gets folded until the backside of his head touches the heel of his feet. This leads to a dangerous stretch in the ligaments and nerves of the spine, which results the most dreadful kind of pain a person can suffer from, the thing that causes an entire paralysis to the detainee for a period of not less than four days, and leads in many cases to the death of the detainee during this type of torture.

13 – Flask Technique: includes the enforcement of the detainee to take off his clothes from the chest down, and enforcing him to sit on a glass flask, where the upper side of the glass flask gets inserted in the detainee’s anus, and he is enforced to remain in such position until he loses conciseness as a result of the bleeding that occurs due to the tear and rupture of the tissues because of the stretch they were exposed to as a result of the wedging of the flask in the anus of the detainee.

It should be noted that the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights has been able to document 204 cases of death under torture of the detainees. This documentation includes all obtained details by direct testimonies from the victims’ families and the doctors who wrote the death certificates of the detainees or had examined them before their burial.

In the following table, there is a condensed summary of the information available at the Syrian Observatory of Human Rights concerning the detainees who died under torture in Syria since the uprising erupted on the 15th of March 2011 , among them were eight children and a woman. To have a look at the table in Excel format, please click on the link below:

syriahr. org/204-Victims-Killed-by-Torturing-Nov-2011.xls

As for the geographical distribution of the number of detainees died under torture, they were as follows:
– Homs province 112
– Damascus and Damascus countryside provinces 22
– Idlib province 19
– Hama province 12
– Dir Zour province 5
– Aleppo province 3
– Latakia province 4
– Daraa province 27

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights asserts that all documented written testimonies of those who were exposed to torture in the Syrian security branches by using the above techniques of torture doubtlessly affirms that the violations of human rights taking place in Syria actually amount to be considered as crimes against humanity that should be referred to the International Criminal Court without any hesitation or delay that may raise scepticism about commitment of the international community to refer everyone who may be contributing to the crimes against humanity in Syria to the International Criminal Court as it was previously the case, and a lot faster, with the similar crimes committed by Gadhafi former regime in Libya.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights
London December 5th, 2011
Posted by Bivi …Patterns live blog

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