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Why I predict a Flaming June for the Arab World

Sources close to Arab and Gulf decision-makers suggest that serious – maybe even critical – developments in Syria, are likely in June.

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While there are no specific details as yet, several indicators give credibility to the chatter.

First of all, British army scientists have found evidence of chemical weapons used during the two-year Syrian conflict. The Ministry of Defence says that soil samples taken near Damascus have proven the use of chemical weapons, although nobody has directly implicated either the regime or the opposition.

Then, CNN has revealed that the US administration will revive plans to intervene militarily in Syria, in response to pressure from both Democrats and Republicans in Congress.

Further, Military training and exercises for Free Syrian Army (FSA) forces in Jordan and Turkey by US and British special forces, under the supervision of the CIA, will end in mid-May.

Next, the moratorium on the European Union’s decision to impose an arms embargo on the Syrian opposition will end early on in June, paving the way for free and independent action from both Britain and France. They could well provide the opposition with modern arms and equipment, including heavy armour and anti-aircraft missiles.

And finally, the aggravated dispute between Syrian authorities and the UN about international investigations into chemical weapons continues.

British Defence Ministry leaks about soil samples taken from Damascus must come as part of some bigger plan.

It is reminiscent of another incident when British intelligence officials sent British-Iranian journalist Farzat Bazoft to Baghdad to take soil samples near chemical plants. A British laboratory supposedly found traces of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) close by.

This helped justify the US-British invasion of Iraq.

Six months ago, US President Barack Obama issued a stern warning to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s regime, claiming that any use of chemical weapons would precipitate an international response.

It’s no coincidence that the G8 summit in London last week repeated the same statement.

What we are about to witness is a repeat of events used to justify economic sanctions on Iraq – and then invasion – after a chemical weapons attacked killed 5,000 civilians in the Kurdish town of Halabja. The West blamed Iraq for the tragedy.

The question remains: Is future military action, which could mean no-fly zones or arming the opposition, designed to lure Iran into the conflict; or will it come in the form of a joint US, Israeli and Arab war on Iran and Syria at the same time?

Israeli reports warn that Iran could become a nuclear state before the end of the year. This means that US and Israel have just a few months to halt a dangerous and strategic shift in the region.

What changes things in this case – and could turn everything upside down – is that when Saddam Hussein’s regime faced blockade and war, he was alone and without allies.Under Gorbachev, Russia was bankrupt and China was preoccupied with its own economic development.

Today, the Assad regime has the support of Russia, Iran, Hezbollah in Lebanon and the BRICS countries (Brazil, China, India and South Africa).

June is one of our hottest months. It’s ironic that it begins 40 days before the holy month of Ramadan this year.

I wouldn’t be surprised, and can’t rule it out, if this June becomes one of the most incendiary months in the history of the Arabs.

source

 

Life of a Yemeni prisoner at Guantanamo Bay

Dev­as­tat­ing piece in the New York Times that needs no ex­pla­na­tion:

GUANTÁNAMO BAY, Cuba

One man here weighs just 77 pounds. An­other, 98. Last thing I knew, I weighed 132, but that was a month ago.

I’ve been on a hunger strike since Feb. 10 and have lost well over 30 pounds. I will not eat until they re­store my dig­nity.

I’ve been de­tained at Guantánamo for 11 years and three months. I have never been charged with any crime. I have never re­ceived a trial.

I could have been home years ago — no one se­ri­ously thinks I am a threat — but still I am here. Years ago the mil­i­tary said I was a “guard” for Osama bin Laden, but this was non­sense, like some­thing out of the Amer­i­can movies I used to watch. They don’t even seem to be­lieve it any­more. But they don’t seem to care how long I sit here, ei­ther.

When I was at home in Yemen, in 2000, a child­hood friend told me that in Afghanistan I could do bet­ter than the $50 a month I earned in a fac­tory, and sup­port my fam­ily. I’d never re­ally trav­eled, and knew noth­ing about Afghanistan, but I gave it a try.

I was wrong to trust him. There was no work. I wanted to leave, but had no money to fly home. After the Amer­i­can in­va­sion in 2001, I fled to Pak­istan like every­one else. The Pak­ista­nis ar­rested me when I asked to see some­one from the Yemeni Em­bassy. I was then sent to Kan­da­har, and put on the first plane to Gitmo.

Last month, on March 15, I was sick in the prison hos­pi­tal and re­fused to be fed. A team from the E.R.F. (Ex­treme Re­ac­tion Force), a squad of eight mil­i­tary po­lice of­fi­cers in riot gear, burst in. They tied my hands and feet to the bed. They forcibly in­serted an IV into my hand. I spent 26 hours in this state, tied to the bed. Dur­ing this time I was not per­mit­ted to go to the toi­let. They in­serted a catheter, which was painful, de­grad­ing and un­nec­es­sary. I was not even per­mit­ted to pray.

I will never for­get the first time they passed the feed­ing tube up my nose. I can’t de­scribe how painful it is to be force-fed this way. As it was thrust in, it made me feel like throw­ing up. I wanted to vomit, but I couldn’t. There was agony in my chest, throat and stom­ach. I had never ex­pe­ri­enced such pain be­fore. I would not wish this cruel pun­ish­ment upon any­one.

I am still being force-fed. Two times a day they tie me to a chair in my cell. My arms, legs and head are strapped down. I never know when they will come. Some­times they come dur­ing the night, as late as 11 p.m., when I’m sleep­ing.

There are so many of us on hunger strike now that there aren’t enough qual­i­fied med­ical staff mem­bers to carry out the force-feed­ings; noth­ing is hap­pen­ing at reg­u­lar in­ter­vals. They are feed­ing peo­ple around the clock just to keep up.

Dur­ing one force-feed­ing the nurse pushed the tube about 18 inches into my stom­ach, hurt­ing me more than usual, be­cause she was doing things so hastily. I called the in­ter­preter to ask the doc­tor if the pro­ce­dure was being done cor­rectly or not.

It was so painful that I begged them to stop feed­ing me. The nurse re­fused to stop feed­ing me. As they were fin­ish­ing, some of the “food” spilled on my clothes. I asked them to change my clothes, but the guard re­fused to allow me to hold on to this last shred of my dig­nity.

When they come to force me into the chair, if I refuse to be tied up, they call the E.R.F. team. So I have a choice. Ei­ther I can ex­er­cise my right to protest my de­ten­tion, and be beaten up, or I can sub­mit to painful force-feed­ing.

The only rea­son I am still here is that Pres­i­dent Obama re­fuses to send any de­tainees back to Yemen. This makes no sense. I am a human being, not a pass­port, and I de­serve to be treated like one.

I do not want to die here, but until Pres­i­dent Obama and Yemen’s pres­i­dent do some­thing, that is what I risk every day.

Where is my gov­ern­ment? I will sub­mit to any “se­cu­rity mea­sures” they want in order to go home, even though they are to­tally un­nec­es­sary.

I will agree to what­ever it takes in order to be free. I am now 35. All I want is to see my fam­ily again and to start a fam­ily of my own.

The sit­u­a­tion is des­per­ate now. All of the de­tainees here are suf­fer­ing deeply. At least 40 peo­ple here are on a hunger strike. Peo­ple are faint­ing with ex­haus­tion every day. I have vom­ited blood.

And there is no end in sight to our im­pris­on­ment. Deny­ing our­selves food and risk­ing death every day is the choice we have made.

I just hope that be­cause of the pain we are suf­fer­ing, the eyes of the world will once again look to Guantánamo be­fore it is too late.

“Less-Than-Lethal Rounds” Shot at Guantanamo Inmates Resisting Transfer to Solitary

The US military says guards have clashed with prisoners at Guantanamo as officers were moving detainees from communal to single cells in attempt to end a hunger strike that started in February.

The detainees used self-made weapons to resist the transfer, thus forcing guards to fire, the US military said in a statement.

Some detainees resisted with improvised weapons, and in response, four less-than-lethal rounds were fired,” Navy Captain Robert Durand said in a news release.

Officials say no guards or detainees have been seriously injured.

The reason for the move was explained because the detainees covered surveillance cameras, windows and partitions, preventing guards from observing them during a hunger strike that has been continuing for more than two months.

Round-the-clock monitoring is necessary to ensure security, order, and safety as detainees continued a prolonged hunger strike by refusing regular camp-provided meals,” Durand said.

Over the years Guantanamo detainees participated in various forms of protests, Durand explained to RT, adding that this new coordinated effort has created an “unsafe situation.”

“We made the decision to move detainees into individual cells based on the detainees’ continued efforts to block observation,” Durand stressed. “We recently determined that the risk to the health and security of certain detainees had reached an unacceptable level due to non-compliant behavior.”

Each detainee’s physical and mental health has been evaluated after the sweep.

“Detainees may continue to hunger strike as a form of protest,” Durand said,  also adding that moving them into individual cells has allowed JTF to “ensure that detainees are not being coerced by other detainees to participate in the hunger strike.”

The detention camp at the Guantanamo Bay US Naval Base in Cuba holds 166 men, most of them captured more than a decade ago in different counter-terrorism operations.

Saturday’s early-morning sweep took place in Camp 6, a medium-security building where 80 to 100 detainees lived in cells that open into communal bays where they could eat, pray and watch television together. As part of the hunger strike, prisoners have been refusing to let food carts enter some of the bays.

Lawyers say most of Gitmo inmates are currently participating in the hunger strike. The US administration, however, is only acknowledging 43 cases, including 11 people who are being force-fed liquid nutrients through tubes inserted into their noses and down to their stomachs.

The hunger strike began in February in protest to the seizure of personal items from detainees’ cells. Some prisoners told their lawyers that their Qurans had been mistreated during the cell searches, which the US military denied.

Lawyers say the hunger strike is caused by the fact that most detainees are held there without being charged, overwhelmed by the depressing feeling they may never leave the prison.

Obama pledged to close the facility at the start of his first term, but has failed to do it so far.

For more on the Guantanamo Bay hunger strike, follow RT’s day-by-day timeline

Via RT

What the Iraq war destroyed for average Iraqise

River­bend was one of the most pro­lific and savvy Iraqi blog­gers dur­ing the 2003 Iraq war. And then, she dis­ap­peared, not writ­ing for years.

On the 10th an­niver­sary of the in­va­sion, she’s back with a short and dev­as­tat­ing post about her coun­try:

April 9, 2013 marks ten years since the fall of Bagh­dad. Ten years since the in­va­sion. Since the lives of mil­lions of Iraqis changed for­ever. It’s dif­fi­cult to be­lieve. It feels like only yes­ter­day I was shar­ing day to day ac­tiv­i­ties with the world. I feel obliged today to put my thoughts down on the blog once again, prob­a­bly for the last time.

In 2003, we were count­ing our lives in days and weeks. Would we make it to next month? Would we make it through the sum­mer? Some of us did and many of us didn’t. 
Back in 2003, one year seemed like a life­time ahead. The id­iots said, “Things will im­prove im­me­di­ately.” The op­ti­mists were giv­ing our oc­cu­piers a year, or two… The re­al­ists said, “Things won’t im­prove for at least five years.” And the pes­simists? The pes­simists said, “It will take ten years. It will take a decade.”
Look­ing back at the last ten years, what have our oc­cu­piers and their Iraqi gov­ern­ments given us in ten years? What have our pup­pets achieved in this last decade? What have we learned?
We learned a lot.
We learned that while life is not fair, death is even less fair- it takes the good peo­ple. Even in death you can be un­lucky. Lucky ones die a ‘nor­mal’ death… A fa­mil­iar death of can­cer, or a heart-at­tack, or stroke. Un­lucky ones have to be col­lected in bits and pieces. Their fam­i­lies try­ing to bury what can be sal­vaged and scraped off of streets that have seen so much blood, it is a won­der they are not red. 
We learned that you can be float­ing on a sea of oil, but your peo­ple can be des­ti­tute. Your city can be an open sewer; your women and chil­dren can be eat­ing out of trash dumps and beg­ging for money in for­eign lands. 
We learned that jus­tice does not pre­vail in this day and age. In­no­cent peo­ple are per­se­cuted and ex­e­cuted daily. Some of them in courts, some of them in streets, and some of them in the pri­vate tor­ture cham­bers.
We are learn­ing that cor­rup­tion is the way to go. You want a pass­port is­sued? Pay some­one. You want a doc­u­ment rat­i­fied? Pay some­one. You want some­one dead? Pay some­one. 
We learned that it’s not that dif­fi­cult to make bil­lions dis­ap­pear. 
We are learn­ing that those ameni­ties we took for granted be­fore 2003, you know- the lux­u­ries – elec­tric­ity, clean water from faucets, walk­a­ble streets, safe schools – those are for de­serv­ing pop­u­la­tions. Those are for peo­ple who don’t allow oc­cu­piers into their coun­try. 
We’re learn­ing that the biggest fans of the oc­cu­pa­tion (you know who you are, you trai­tors) even­tu­ally leave abroad. And where do they go? The USA, most likely, with the UK a close sec­ond. If I were an Amer­i­can, I’d be out­raged. After spend­ing so much money and so many lives, I’d ex­pect the minor Cha­l­abis and Ma­likis and Hashimis of Iraq to, well, stay in Iraq. In­vest in their coun­try. I’d stand in pass­port con­trol and ask them, “Weren’t you happy when we in­vaded your coun­try? Weren’t you happy we lib­er­ated you? Go back. Go back to the coun­try you’re so happy with be­cause now, you’re free!” 
We’re learn­ing that mili­tias aren’t par­tic­u­lar about who they kill. The eas­i­est thing in the world would be to say that Shia mili­tias kill Sun­nis and Sunni mili­tias kill Shia, but that’s not the way it works. That’s too sim­ple. 
We’re learn­ing that the lead­ers don’t make his­tory. Pop­u­la­tions don’t make his­tory. His­to­ri­ans don’t write his­tory. News net­works do. The Foxes, and CNNs, and BBCs, and Jazeeras of the world make his­tory. They twist and turn things to fit their own pri­vate agen­das. 
We’re learn­ing that the masks are off. No one is ashamed of the hypocrisy any­more. You can be against one coun­try (like Iran), but em­pow­er­ing them some­where else (like in Iraq). You can claim to be against re­li­gious ex­trem­ism (like in Afghanistan), but pro­mot­ing re­li­gious ex­trem­ism some­where else (like in Iraq and Egypt and Syria). 
Those who didn’t know it in 2003 are learn­ing (much too late) that an oc­cu­pa­tion is not the por­tal to free­dom and democ­racy. The oc­cu­piers do not have your best in­ter­ests at heart. 
We are learn­ing that ig­no­rance is the death of civ­i­lized so­ci­eties and that every­one thinks their par­tic­u­lar form of fa­nati­cism is ac­cept­able. 
We are learn­ing how easy it is to ma­nip­u­late pop­u­la­tions with their own prej­u­dices and that pol­i­tics and re­li­gion never mix, even if a su­per-power says they should mix. 
But it wasn’t all a bad ed­u­ca­tion… 
We learned that you some­times re­ceive kind­ness  when you least ex­pect it. We learned that peo­ple often step out­side of the stereo­types we build for them and sur­prise us. We learned and con­tinue to learn that there is strength in num­bers and that Iraqis are not easy to op­press. It is a mat­ter of time… 
And then there are things we’d like to learn…
Ahmed Cha­l­abi, Iyad Allawi, Ibrahim Jaa­fari, Tarek Al Hashemi and the rest of the vul­tures, where are they now? Have they crawled back under their rocks in coun­tries like the USA, the UK, etc.? Where will Ma­liki be in a year or two? Will he re­turn to Iran or take the mil­lions he made off of killing Iraqis and then seek asy­lum in some Eu­ro­pean coun­try? Far away from the angry Iraqi masses… 
What about George Bush, Condi, Wol­fowitz, and Pow­ell? Will they ever be held ac­count­able for the dev­as­ta­tion and the death they wrought in Iraq? Sad­dam was held ac­count­able for 300,000 Iraqis… Surely some­one should be held ac­count­able for the mil­lion or so?Fi­nally, after all is said and done, we shouldn’t for­get what this was about – mak­ing Amer­ica safer… And are you safer Amer­i­cans? If you are, why is it that we hear more and more about at­tacks on your em­bassies and diplo­mats? Why is it that you are con­stantly warned to not go to this coun­try or that one? Is it bet­ter now, ten years down the line? Do you feel safer, with hun­dreds of thou­sands of Iraqis out of the way (granted half of them were women and chil­dren, but chil­dren grow up, right?)?

And what hap­pened to River­bend and my fam­ily? I even­tu­ally moved from Syria. I moved be­fore the heavy fight­ing, be­fore it got ugly. That’s how for­tu­nate I was. I moved to an­other coun­try nearby, stayed al­most a year, and then made an­other move to a third Arab coun­try with the hope that, this time, it’ll stick until… Until when? Even the pes­simists aren’t sure any­more. When will things im­prove? When will be able to live nor­mally? How long will it take?  
For those of you who are dis­ap­pointed re­al­ity has reared its ugly head again, go to Fox News, I’m sure they have a re­portage that will soothe your con­science. 
 
For those of you who have been ask­ing about me and won­der­ing how I have been doing, I thank you. “Lo khuliyet, quli­bet…” Which means “If the world were empty of good peo­ple, it would end.” I only need to check my emails to know it won’t be end­ing any time soon. 

Irish-Syrian Activist A Martyr in Syria Conflict 10-April-13 Al Jazeera Reports

[youtube http://youtu.be/GIcu9hwBJ-w?]

Syria anthem of the free

[youtube http://youtu.be/x2uSPsJr0vE?]

Palestinian cartoonist Mohammad Saba’aneh sentenced to 5 months in prison

by on April 12, 2013 2

 
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Right to life with dignity by Mohammad Saba’aneh  Oct 30, 2012

Very sad news.  Mohammad Saba’aneh, the acclaimed Palestinian Cartoonist who was detained February 16th at the Allenby Bridge checkpoint, was sentenced by the Israeli Salem Military Courton April 4th to 5 months in an Israeli prison for contact with a hostile organization

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Freedom by Mohammad Saba’aneh 05 Dec 2012

Initially Saba’aneh was held without charge. On March 19th an Israeli military court was supposed to announce a decision whether to present an indictment against Saba’aneh, instead they extended his detention.

At the time  Saba’aneh’s lawyer said there was no evidence Saba’aneh had committed any offense.

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Don’t Shoot by Mohammad Saba’aneh

According to the following report Saba’aneh’s lawyer informs Mohammad had contacted a publisher in Amman Jordan who published a book about Palestinian prisoners. Possibly Israel considers books about Palestinian prisoners  a threat to their security.

The Cartoon Movement, courtesy of Radio Netherlands Worldwide (RNW), Mohammad Saba’aneh Sentenced to Five Months in Prison:

Thursday April 4, Palestinian cartoonist Mohammad Saba’aneh was sentenced by a military court in Salem to five months in prison and a fine of 10,000 shekels for ‘contact with a hostile organization’. The news is confirmed by Mohammad’s brother Adel and his lawyer Riadh Arda.

……..

Book about Palestinian prisoners

According to Saba’aneh’s lawyer Riyadh Arda, Mohammad was accused of contact with and assistance to a hostile organization and transporting money for a hostile organization. Adel Saba’aneh tells RNW: “The only thing Mohammad did was contact a publisher in Amman who publishes a book about Palestinian prisoners.” This book was compiled by their other brother, Thamer Saba’aneh. Thamer has been a member of Hamas and was arrested weeks after Mohammad. He is still being held.

Tired of transport and food

Initially, Mohammad denied all accusations. The only reason that Mohammad has accepted the conviction is, according to Adel Saba’aneh, because he could no longer bear the conditions in the prison where he was held. “He’s sick, he was transported to a different place every few days and a pre-existing intestinal condition was aggravated because of the prison food.”Adel Saba’aneh thinks that the cartoons of his brother and his international reputation have played a role in sentencing. “In similar cases, the lawyers say people are often released, but the authorities were determined to convict Mohammad. The longer he would refuse to confess, the higher the sentence would be. They would not let him go.”

Some people have a problem with Saba’aneh’s Cartoons:

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by Mohammad Saba’aneh

Mohammad’s brother Thaer Saba’aneh, now arrested, was a specialist in prisoners’ affairs. Perhaps the ‘hostile’ organization was Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Organization, or perhaps Israel considers Mohammad Saba’aneh’s ideas and talent a threat to its national security.

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by Mohammad Saba’aneh

The International Council for Human Rights reports Saba’aneh has been actively critical of the Israel’s policies on administrative detentions:

His work is focusing on addressing and supporting the Palestinian hunger striker detainees in the Israeli prisons. Sabaana has received many awards at national and international festivals for his cartoons.

This is what threatens Israel:

6a014e5f5d3c7c970c017c385cf02e970b 750wiPalestinian prisoners in Israeli jails by Mohammad Saba’aneh Apr 27, 2012

About Annie Robbins

Annie Robbins is Editor at Large for Mondoweiss, a mother, a human rights activist and a ceramic artist. She lives in the SF bay area. Follow her on Twitter @anniefofani

I almost died in Syria

                              

I’ve covered wars for years, but nothing prepared me for the conflict on the ground – or in my head

By

I almost died in Syria A photo of the author

There’s a private bar in London whose members are nearly all war correspondents. The men and women standing at the bar could easily convince you that war reporting is one of the most exhilarating experiences that life has to offer, a gateway to the outer limits of human experience. This, of course, is absolute nonsense, and they all know it. I can tell you that because I’m frequently one of those people drinking there, and I’ve spun that line on more occasions than I care to remember.

I’ve been making documentaries in war zones on and off for the last 10 years, and I can assure you that working in a conflict zone is absolutely the most horrible, lonely and uncomfortable experience you’re ever likely to have.

But that’s easy to forget.  Within days or even hours of getting home, the bitter and complex reality of seeing a conflict close-up quickly melts into a series of increasingly honed anecdotes whose veracity I can’t quite guarantee.

The only true and abiding memory I have of the weeks and months spent in places like Helmand province in Afghanistan or a field hospital in Iraq is a vague and intangible sense of my split personality.  One part of me becomes the journalist thief, prowling in search of people and stories to turn into a film. And at the same time I’m something quite different but also connected:  a profoundly moved and thin-skinned witness to the awful extremes of human behavior.  Both sides need the other, but they pull in very different directions.

For five weeks last fall, I embarked on a new project, living on both sides of a sectarian front line in rural Syria to make a documentary for the PBS series “Frontline,” and for Channel 4 in the U.K. I filmed with Sunni rebels on one side and regime loyalists on the other as they descended into an increasingly hateful feud.

Nothing could have prepared me for the imperial-scale level of violence that I witnessed there. It was totally unprecedented in my experience. And it’s only now, reading journals and looking back at footage, that some of it is even becoming real.

A family reacts in shock after a government airstrike on the Sunni village of Al-Bara on Oct. 28, 2012.

Six months ago, I was on a bed in a Turkish hotel, a few miles from the Syrian border. I was waiting for my fixer Abdulqader to come back to the room we shared.  He has a hell of a reputation for helping journalists “get inside” (the euphemism of choice among correspondents operating in Syria).

Before that day, I’d only met him once, for just a few hours, in a hushed and somewhat secretive meeting in the corner of a hotel foyer in Istanbul.  Two hours into our second meeting, I was sat in my boxer shorts in our shared room, our beds only inches apart, and the next day we were going to try to sneak into Syria for an extended stay in possibly the world’s most dangerous war zone.  In friendship terms, it was “in at the deep end.”

I kept wondering if I should be more scared. The smugglers who were helping us cross the border were full of horror stories about their friends being killed in airstrikes, or so-and-so “disappearing near Homs.” Then there was the casual warning I’d been given:  ”There’s been a lot of shelling on the road you want to take …” It alarmed me at first, but then I caught myself wondering how much danger this last line really indicated — the road we wanted to take stretched for miles, and people were vague about when it was actually shelled.  It sounded to me then like I was being advised not to drive on a highway because there’d been a car crash there the previous week.

We crossed into Syria the next day, and it took two more to reach our filming destination: the Orontes River valley in Idlib province. It’s a beautiful stretch of Syria’s rural heartland, peaceful for generations, but now a sectarian fault line: On one side of the river, Sunni fighters of the rebel Free Syrian Army hold sway. On the other side, less than a mile away, Alawite villagers remain fiercely loyal to the government, and were protected by a line of well-armed regime checkpoints.

On our second day on the rebel side, the army positions shelled the village we were living in.  The sound was almost innocuous at first — a distant pop, a pause of about 20 seconds, and then a vicious crunch as the shell landed nearby.

After the fourth explosion, we headed to the makeshift field hospital to see what had happened. As I got out of the car, someone grabbed my hand and pulled me into a rudimentary emergency room.

There on a metal gurney was an elderly man, probably mid-60s, lying on his back, his face covered in dust, and his right leg blown off at the knee, a shredded flap of skin dangling from his bloodied stump.  The medical team looked resigned, and gave me vague shrugs that I took to indicate their impotence, or their familiarity with a scene like this. I looked at the old man lying on the table in front of them. He was semi-conscious and shivering. He died a few minutes later.

The man who had brought me in pulled at my sleeve and took me into the room next door. It was completely dark.  He flicked a switch on his cigarette lighter to produce a tiny torch light, and shone its weak beam into the room to reveal two badly injured men lying in the darkness. The nearest man was making a strange, hoarse, stuttering sound that I realized was his faltering breath. The second man was reaching out to the man lying next to him, his cousin it turned out, and was saying, in Arabic, “I bear witness that there is no god but Allah.” He wanted these to be his last words.

The quiet, dark horror of the scene froze me for a moment.  I asked myself, quite deliberately, if I realized what I was looking at. I found myself slipping into that weirdly safe mental space, a kind of filming autopilot. I took the lighter from my guide’s hand, and shone the torch beam onto the men in the dark. I concentrated on keeping the camera steady. I asked the people behind me to be quiet so I could get good, clean sound of the dying man’s last words.  I told myself I could think about it later.

Outside the hospital, a truck had pulled up with three mangled corpses in the back.  A crowd had gathered around it, but a path quickly opened up and I was pushed through to film the bodies. ”Film, film,” people around me urged. It was a horrendous sight, and I flicked the camera to automatic — I didn’t trust my reactions to this.

A man was standing in the truck, holding something up for me to film. The sun was in my eyes, and I couldn’t see. Then the man slipped into silhouette, to reveal the awful outline of a severed foot, dangling there in his hand, displayed as evidence. For a few seconds, I forgot to breathe.

A rainbow forms over the Orontes River valley.

I wanted to find stories away from the violence, and three days later went to visit a group of young peace activists down in the valley. But when I arrived, a man appeared in the doorway and asked if I’d come to “film the bodies.” I was confused, and was led to the mosque next door. There on the blood-stained carpet were three shrouded corpses: a mother, I was told, and her two children. One of the bodies was painfully small. I lowered my camera to take this in, but someone tugged my arm. “Film, film!” he said.

I asked to be driven to where they’d been killed, and by the look of the crater it had probably been a mortar strike. It had landed about 3 meters from the garden patio of a small house whose walls were spattered with blood. A small boy was frantically digging in the crater to pull out bits of shrapnel.  I was told the mother and her kids had been sitting outside shelling corn, and were killed instantly. Two others were also killed nearby.

At the funeral procession, the body of a small boy was carried aloft on a piece of cardboard. I realized I was standing in a grave as men lowered in the bodies of two women. Blood trickled from the stretcher as they lifted it over the heads of the crowd. I worried that it would get on the camera.

Jamal Maarouf, seconds before being targeted in an airstrike.

By the second week, I could hardly sleep.  I lost all confidence in what I was doing. There was no privacy. I got the shits. I was bitten to pieces by mosquitoes. And I became increasingly aware of my split perspective on what I was seeing:  I’d experience total sensory and emotional overload, and then find myself thinking solely about framing or continuity, or about how this story would “work in the edit.”

It got worse.  One day, we heard we’d finally been granted an interview with Jamal Maarouf, the leader of the Martyrs of Syria Brigade, the most powerful rebel faction in the region.

We were summoned to  meet him in an anonymous house in the small village of Al-Bara, and I’d only just started filming when the house shook as a regime jet flew overhead, dropping the most almighty bomb on the village.  I was standing in the doorway trying to see the plane when the blast knocked me to the ground.  It had landed 300 meters away.  Even Jamal looked shocked.

I knew immediately that filming Jamal in the aftermath of an airstrike was “a good scene,” and was scampering around thinking about exposure and focus. But at the same time, the most awful, visceral reaction was taking place. Beside the huge crater, an old sheikh urged me to film something on the ground, and then he started wobbling something in front of him, some sort of sack of jelly or meat.  And suddenly I realized what I was looking at: the remains of someone who was alive just minutes ago, killed in the most brutal and sudden of ways, lying there debased in the dust. The body was not recognizable as human.

I felt a terrible expression contort my face: I was pulling back my lower jaw and cheeks, my top teeth were bared, and my eyes were wide. I was still filming, but was aware that my face had contorted into a look of horror. The weirdest part was that I was relieved to be horrified, to be human among all this inhumanity, and not just some robot with a video camera.

While I stood there in the rubble, shouts started going up that the jet was returning to bomb a second time. I ever so slightly pissed myself. Where does one stand in a situation like this? Would the jet strike an area it had just hit, to kill rescuers and survivors? Or would it regard that as a “waste” of a bomb, and drop it somewhere else? Was that crater, in fact, the safest place for miles?

I’m sure there’s a training course somewhere that teaches what to do in that situation. Actually, I’ve probably done that course.  But right then, all I could do was run for it like everyone else.

A young boy is consoled after his grandparents appear to have been killed in a government airstrike on the Sunni village of Al-Bara on Oct. 28, 2012.

That night, I walked down to our little supermarket to buy cigarettes. The men at the counter pointed at my jeans and asked why I was so dirty. I said “al-Bara,” and pointed vaguely towards the north. I think they understood.

An old man pulled up a chair and sat right next to me while we smoked in silence. His sleeve was touching mine.  The shopkeeper came out and handed me a little bottle of orange juice. He’d opened it for me and had put in a straw. There was something about this gesture that broke me. I just looked at the ground and started crying. I didn’t try to hide it. It was the first time in a while I’d felt normal.

 

Olly Lambert has a decade of experience documenting life in conflict zones. His latest film, “Syria Behind the Lines,” airs on the PBS investigative documentary series FRONTLINE on Tuesday, April 9 at 10 p.m. It will also be broadcast as “Syria: Across the Lines” in the UK on Channel 4 on April 17 at 10 p.m. More Olly Lambert.             

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