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February 2013

Hind Aboud Kabawat: A place where Syrians all get along

Hind Aboud Kabawat, National Post | Feb 8, 2013 12:01 AM ET | Last Updated: Feb 7, 2013 5:50 PM ET
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The author, right, with local residents in Kafarnabel, Syria.

Hind Aboud Kabawat The author, right, with local residents in Kafarnabel, Syria.

Much of the commentary about Syria’s civil war suggests that the country is about to disintegrate into competing sectarian fiefdoms, each dominated by jihadists with a radical Islamist agenda. But during my own recent trip to one of Syria’s “liberated” villages, I saw little evidence that post-Assad Syria will be a failed state, nor even an Islamist one.

Kafarnabel is a small Sunni village in northern Syrian, near the Turkish border. Like many Syrian areas that are controlled by anti-Assad rebels, Kafarnabel no longer has any real top-down government. But rather than fall into chaos, it has become a case study in how free Syrians can run bakeries, provide schooling, maintain security and, most importantly, conduct friendly, civil, co-operative relations with neighbouring communities — even those populated by Alawite Muslims.

This journey to Kafarnabel, officially designated as the “Hand in Hand” mission, was organized by a Toronto-based NGO called the Syrian Centre for Dialogue, to demonstrate solidarity and support with Syrian activists on the ground from their overseas Syrian counterparts. Our message was simple: “You’re not alone, we’re in this struggle together.”

With the financial and moral support of friends and supporters in Toronto, Houston, Texas and Saudi Arabia, we sought to distribute needed medicine, winter clothing and other items to Syrian refugees in Turkey and free Syrians back home.

Crossing the border into “free” Syria was a poignant moment for me: my first visit to my homeland since the revolt began.

The crossing itself was uneventful — no border guards, no army. But we were careful to cross under cover of rain: While the Syrian army has fled the area, aerial surveillance by Bashar Assad’s air force remains a constant threat.

During our time in Kafarnabel, the women of the village organized a party for the 300 local children to play, sing songs and receive packages with crayons, candy and winter coats. But the party had to be held in a cave — because a large gathering, even of children, would be at risk of aerial bombardment.

Across Syria, Kafarnabel has a reputation as “the Conscience of the revolution,” a reputation it earned because of a painting updated regularly on a Kafarnabel Facebook page that seeks to capture the moral state of the revolt. I visited the village just days after a major massacre in nearby Aleppo, and the painting that week was nihilistic in tone, bearing the caption: “Down with the Assad Government, Down with the Syrian National Council, Down with the West, Down with the US, Down with the UN, Down with Everyone.”

At other times, the despair is tinged with sardonic humour, as in the painting of Superman leaving Syria in disgust: “I give up, only God can solve this problem.”

The leaders of the revolt, the Syrian National Council, also come in for criticism: “Your job is to stop the killing of our children. You didn’t do a good job. How can you now run a country?”

While crossing the border into free Syria, I wondered whether, as a Christian, I should wear my cross and keep my head uncovered. Kafarnabel is a conservative Sunni Muslim village, but I was struck by the community’s openness and tolerance. When I raised the issue with a young man I knew, Qutaiba Khalil, he replied: “No, Madame, you must wear your cross, it is a sign of your faith.”

An indication of such interfaith goodwill was a drawing given to me by a young girl, featuring a large mosque and a somewhat smaller church. “Next time, I will make the church bigger,” the young girl assured me.

Another example of Kafarnabel’s religious tolerance was the reverence in which they hold Father Paolo, the Italian Catholic cleric whom Assad exiled from Syria. “One Christian father like Father Paolo is better than a 100 Grand Muftis,” is another of the village’s now famous agitprop declarations.

Among the favourite tactics employed by the Assads to maintain an iron grip on Syria over the decades has been stoking sectarian tensions: dividing Sunni from Alawite from Kurd from Christian. But in the free Syrian village of Kafarnabel, I could detect no such divisions.

The Alawites in the villages nearby have come to the assistance of their Sunni neighbours, and there has been no sectarian violence. “Islam is not about burning homes and killing others,” one of the village elders explained to me. “That is not our Islam.”

As for the jihadists who many in the West fear have hijacked the Syrian Revolution, their cadres are very real. But the activists of Kafarnabel explain their presence as follows: When your children are being slaughtered, you take help from whatever quarter you can. A Saudi billionaire has famously outfitted Syrian rebels with guns and ammunition on the proviso they carry the black al-Qaeda flag and shout “Allah Akbar.” To the fighters of Kafarnabel, that seemed a price worth paying to protect the children.

“There were jihadists in Bosnia during the insurrection there,” argued one of Kafarnabel’s young freedom fighters. “Are they there now? No. They’ve moved on to the next fight.”

After my two-day visit, I left Kafarnabel reassured about the future of a post-Assad Syria. Something quite profound has happened to the Syrian people over the course of their violent and bitter two-year revolution. There is a sense that a page has been turned, and that Syrians will no longer tolerate political repression and violent intimidation.

I also got the sense that the culture of Syria and its civil society remain somewhat intact. In the village of Kansafar, near Kafarnabel, a local teacher named Iman proposes to buy a photocopy machine to duplicate all the books destroyed in the regimes mass destruction of local schools. Another initiative was the local decision to harvest only dead branches form trees for firewood — so as to protect the trees.

But for me, as a Syrian woman, the most poignant story of all was when a young girl named Heba proclaimed she wanted to be the first freely elected President of Syria. In the “new Syria,” a female leading the country might not be impossible.

National Post

Hind Aboud Kabawat is a lawyer, a member of the Syrian Centre for Dialogue in Toronto, and a senior researcher in at George Mason University.

Lawmakers Threaten Funding of Brooklyn College for Hosting Event on BDS Campaign Against Israel

Click on image

omarb
Omar Barghouti

‘Don’t Forget Your Photo Albums!’: The Flight of Syria’s Middle Classes

By Ulrike Putz in Beirut

Photo Gallery: Syrian Refugees Suffer Winter Misery in Lebanon

Photos
AFP

They once were affluent, took vacations to Greece, purchased art and designer furniture. Now this Syrian family is on the run and forced to rely on charity. Their fate is typical of the exodus of the country’s large middle class.

Farah Schemi* wants to get something off her chest: in the event that readers of her story at some point in their lives have to flee their homeland, she wants them to take to heart her list of what to pack. “Passports, gold, bank records and deeds of property, very important,” she says. Almost more important are all the things that keep you warm. “Blankets, warm clothing, sturdy shoes,” says the 54-year-old. It’s best to wear a heavy coat, even in sweltering summer weather.

 

ANZEIGE

One thing Mrs. Schemi has learned: “You never return home as quickly as you’d hoped.” The first winter in a foreign land comes inevitably. And when all hope vanishes in those first cold nights and you accept the fact that everything is lost, warm feet are at least a small consolation. 

Mrs. Schemi never dreamed she one day would become an expert on the matter of escape luggage — back when her world was still in order.

Before the start of the revolution in Syria, she packed a suitcase only when the family was headed for a summer vacation on a Greek island or the Turkish coast. In her former life, Farah Schemi worked as a dietician, advising well-paying private patients on nutrition. She specialized in advising cancer patients on what to eat to assist the healing process.

A Cancer Patient Becomes a Victim of War

Two years and one war later, that is all just memories. Farah Schemi’s husband Helmi suffers from cancer but his Syrian health insurance doesn’t cover treatment in Lebanon, where the family has settled after fleeing the war in their homeland.

So the Schemis sit with their two adult daughters in the backroom of a Lebanese mosque and watch Helmi grow weaker by the day. He should be running his printing company in Damascus, but is destined to become another victim of the Syrian Civil War.

In the meantime, up to one million Syrians have fled into neighboring countries, according to estimates by the major aid organizations. Some 300,000 are said to have ended up in Lebanon. But because the Lebanese government has close ties with the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad, official agencies are reluctant to offer assistance to Syrian refugees. There are no refugee camps operated by aid organizations in Lebanon.

Those who are lucky stay with relatives or have enough money to rent an apartment. All of the other Syrian refugees in Lebanon are forced to rely on the help of strangers: on the mosques that open soup kitchens, on the farmers who let them sleep in their stables, on the owners of apartment buildings who let them set up tarpaulins on flat roofs. Medical care for the displaced is wholly inadequate.

Many Children Are Starving, All Are Freezing

The first stop for many refugees is the Lebanese border town of Majdal Anjar. Surrounded by snow-covered mountains and just an hour by car from Damascus, the small town was once a smugglers’ stronghold. Today it functions as a kind of reception camp: in recent months, tens of thousands of Syrians have taken their first rest here after fleeing over the border. Thousands have stayed. Since then, Majdal Anjar — like many other Lebanese cities — has operated under a state of emergency: water and electricity come only sporadically and are simply not enough for the sharply increasing population. Lessons in the schools are taught in two shifts: Lebanese children in the morning, Syrians in the afternoons.

The Schemis too made their first stop in Majdal Anjar, after they fled the Damascus district of Kutseija during a ceasefire last July. The parents, who were traveling with three of their four adult children (the eldest is studying at a university in the USA), turned to a mosque for help. The Muezzin said they could sleep in his office for one night. That one night has turned into six months. When a Levantine winter storm rolls over the mountains, temperatures in the room drop below freezing. When it clears up again, melted snow drips down the walls of their lodging.

“But we don’t want to complain. We still have it good. Many refugees live outdoors, with their children, in the middle of the snow,” says Mariam, who at 31 years old is the eldest daughter of the Shemis. She and her sister Rula, both teachers, have found work in a Lebanese school and use the wages to feed their family. After they finish work in the afternoons, they teach Syrian refugee children, without pay. “When I look at the children I can see how bad it must be for the parents,” says Mariam. Some of her students are highly aggressive, others apathetic about their war experiences.

In the beginning the Schemis thought that their exile would soon be over, that they would soon return home. But these hopes were soon dashed. Just a month after their flight, a neighbor called from Damascus: the apartment building where they had lived on the third floor had been set on fire. Moreover, soldiers had looted all the apartments.

Potential Sons-in-Law Have Fallen

Mariam and Rula managed to struggle their way back to Damascus. They wanted to bring the family’s possessions to safety — but there was nothing left to save. On her smartphone, Rula shows photos of the rubble that was once her home: the rooms were all blackened by soot. What wasn’t burned was smashed to pieces, and the computer had bullet holes in it. “On the first floor of the building, a doctor and a veterinarian had their practices,” says Rula. Both had apparently treated injured dissidents, and the army took revenge on the whole house. Aside from one neighboring family, all the residents of the building have fled the country: the exodus of the well-off and strikingly large Syrian middle class.

The Schemis and their neighbors are among those who had something to lose and lost it fast.

Rula also has other pictures on her cell phone, images of a happier time. One video shows the family at the father’s birthday two years ago: in a living room filled with antique furniture, aunts with blow-dried hair laugh into the camera, and children are being passed from arm to arm. There are cakes and bouquets of flowers on a mahogany dresser, under a modern painting. Suddenly Rula dances through the picture, her hair worn loose, her top low-cut and bright blue. “Another age,” she says and shut the cell phone. Today Rula and her sister wear tracksuits and don’t remove their white headscarves, even indoors — after all, they have to rely on the goodwill of the head of the mosque.

 

“Photos are among those things that you don’t think about at first,” says Farah Schemi. Not a single baby photo of any of her children still exists. Her wedding photo, school enrollments, birthdays — all gone. Her advice to anyone who must quickly pack the essentials: “Don’t forget your photo album!” 

The prospect that the war in Syria may shorten her husband’s life isn’t Mrs. Schemi only concern. She’s also worried about her daughters’ future. “The girls are at the age when they should marry and have children of their own,” she says. “But who should they marry?” Fifty thousand young men in Syria have died over the course of the revolution, 70,000 have been arrested. “The men my daughters should have married have fallen in the revolution.”

*All names have been changed by the editors.

source

Ahmed Qabour – I’m Calling You أحمد قعبور – أناديكم


Ounadikom

Translated by Chris at 4:11 PM

These lyrics are taken from a poem written in 1966 by Tawfiq Ziad (توفيق زيّاد), who was a Palestinian poet and later went on to become mayor of Nazareth and finally a member of the Knesset after his return from the Soviet Union in 1973 as a member of the Israeli communist party Rakah.

listen to song here

Ahmed Kaabour – I’m Calling YouI’m calling you (the you in this song is the plural you or y’all if you prefer)
I shake your hands
I kiss the ground beneath your feet (literally, ‘soles’)
And say, “I’d die for you/I will redeem you” (the word fada “فدى” is a verb that means to “redeem”, but in this context it has the meaning that he would die for them, because this word has the connotation of sacrificing yourself for someone else. Jesus Christ “the Redeemer” is sometimes call فادي in English, for example

I dedicated to you the light of my eyes (also kind of like giving your life to someone)
And I give you the warmth of my heart
And the tragedy that I live is that my fate is the same of yours

I have not become worthless in my country
Nor have I shrunk in fear
I stood in the face of my oppressors
A naked, barefoot orphan

I’ve carried my blood on my hands and never half-masted my flags
And I’ve preserved the green grass on the graves of my ancestors

أحمد قعبور – أناديكمأناديكم
أشد على أياديكم..
أبوس الأرض تحت نعالكم
وأقول: أفديكموأهديكم ضيا عيني
ودفء القلب أعطيكم
فمأساتي التي أحيا
نصيبي من مآسيكمأناديكم
أشد على أياديكم..أنا ما هنت في وطني ولا صغرت أكتافي
وقفت بوجه ظلامي
يتيما، عاريا، حافي

حملت دمي على كفي
وما نكست أعلامي
وصنت العشب أخضر فوق قبور أسلافي

Does Obama’s Kingly Power to Kill US Citizens Extend to Domestic Suspects?

John Glaser, February 05, 2013

The leaked Justice Department memo detailing the Obama administration’s legal rationale for killing US citizens without charge or trial or judicial review or any publicly available evidence of their guilt has raised a lot of questions.

One of them, which doesn’t get fleshed out in the memo, is whether this kingly authority to play Judge, Jury, and Executioner and deprive Americans of their life without due process of law applies only to Americans abroad or also to citizens that are inside the United States. The memo does say that one prerequisite to putting an American on the kill list is if their capture is “not feasible.” Presumably that wouldn’t happen in the US, but since it isn’t specified in the memo, nobody has really been able to give an informed opinion on this. And even if the authority is not currently used in this way, unless there is an explicit prohibition in the current legal rendering, it could conceivably be used this way in the future.

Micah Zenko at the Council on Foreign Relations cites a really terrifying exchange with FBI Director Robert Mueller from about a year ago:

REPRESENTATIVE TOM GRAVES: So I guess from a historical perspective, does the federal government have the ability to kill a U.S. citizen on United States soil, or just overseas?

FBI DIRECTOR ROBERT MUELLER: I am going to defer that to others in the Department of Justice.

The FBI’s mission is “to protect and defend the United States against terrorist and foreign intelligence threats, to uphold and enforce the criminal laws of the United States, and to provide leadership and criminal justice services to federal, state, municipal, and international agencies and partners.” Mueller has held his position since the week before 9/11 and has been intimately involved in virtually every significant counterterrorism decision of the George W. Bush and Obama administrations. If the director of the FBI does not know—or is unwilling to testify under oath—where the U.S. government has the authority to kill its citizens, then who does? It is worth noting that Holder argued that there are no limits to the “geographic scope of our ability to use force.”

Read the whole post, which contains other relevant nuggets like the fact that “President Obama authorized the targeted killing of a U.S. citizen several months before its legal justification existed.”

source

GO ALSO TO DEMOCRACY NOW

Syrian rebel raids expose secrets of once-feared military

Tank abandoned by regime forces in Syria

Rebel fighters stand on a Soviet-made tank abandoned by regime forces in al-Yaqubia, northern Syria. Photograph: Aamir Qureshi/AFP/Getty Images

The red phone had been silent for more than 20 years, encased in reinforced glass in the corner of the major’s office. When it rang just after midnight on 6 September 2007, the startled Syrian officers nearby had to remind themselves what to do.

“I told my colleagues that we had to break the case with a hammer, then answer it,” said Abu Mohammed, a former air force major then based at an air defence station near the north-eastern city of Deir Azzor. “It had not even rung during a training exercise.”

Abu Mohammed, now a senior member of the rebel movement in the north of the country, broke the glass. What followed, he said, were the most puzzling 10 minutes of his military career.

“I shattered the glass and answered the phone,” he said. “There was a brigadier on the other end from the strategic air command in Damascus. He said: ‘There are enemy planes approaching, you are not to do anything.’

“I was confused. Do nothing? This is what we were waiting for. We couldn’t see them on our radars. And then our radars were jammed. The missile base nearby could not have fired even if it was allowed.”

Until last week, the Israeli raid in 2007 that destroyed what the International Atomic Energy Agency concluded was a nuclear reactor at al-Kibbar, north of Deir Azzor, was the last time Syria‘s much-vaunted air defence system was tested.

But last Wednesday just before dawn, the Israeli planes returned. The attack formations were obvious on the radar systems used by Nato tracking stations and by Lebanese civil aviation: about 10 jets, all of which approached from the Mediterranean over southern Lebanon.

Some of the planes remained circling in Lebanese airspace. Others crossed into Syria, firing eight missiles near a building 11 miles north of Damascus and then flying west. Just like at Deir Azzour six years ago, the Syrian air defences stayed silent.

“They did the same as what they did to us,” Abu Mohammed said on Monday from the Aleppo countryside. “The reality is that we are blind in the face of the enemy.”

Syrian defence officials have claimed that the invading planes escaped by staying below the radar. Opposition figures, meanwhile, have largely either ignored the attack or pretended it didn’t happen. Better that than to acknowledge a sworn enemy of both sides was making things easier for them.

Nearly two withering years of war have clearly taken a toll on the Syrian military, which before the insurrection was reputed to be one of the region’s most powerful. Army bases were considered impregnable, air defences the most formidable in the region, and soldiers resolutely loyal.

“The only thing we really still fear is the Migs,” said Maalik Sayedi, a carpenter turned guerrilla fighter, as he picked through the remains of an overrun infantry school on the northern outskirts of Aleppo. “When we raided this place, the fight was over in less than two hours.”

The infantry school is one of four nearby regime bases overrun between mid-December and late January. Units stationed in this bleak, sprawling complex, which was the main training site in northern Syria for officers and soldiers alike, put up less of a fight than those defending airbases. Signs of the rout are everywhere.

In the middle of a field, surrounded by pine and fir trees, five delapidated Soviet tanks, the defensive core of the inner base, stand in ruin. The maker’s plate inside each says 1959. Four armoured personnel carriers are in crumbling disarray, their cables and rusting armour discarded across fields churned muddy brown by tank tracks.

Until December this base was one of the last regime strongholds in northern Syria. But now those who once would not dare approach the giant concrete walls and watch towers that surround it are picking the base clean like a carcass. Anything is fair game, especially wood, which is being harvested from wherever it can be found to heat family homes.

Hundreds of old trees just inside the wall have been sawn down, their stumps exposing buildings that long stood as tribute to the military’s position at the heart of Syrian society. The denuding of the perimeter is exposing the base’s secrets. And those drifting inside to see them are underwhelmed.

“It was exciting at first,” said 17-year-old Hussein Mohammed, carrying a hacksaw in one hand and a plastic bucket full of kindling branches in the other. “But this is it,” he said with a wave of the saw. “This is where you learned to be a soldier in the Syrian army.”

Vivid murals of the late dictator Hafez al-Assad are painted on walls on the parade grounds and at the base’s main entrance, now manned by dozing rebel fighters. Though Bashar al-Assad has run Syria for almost 13 years, he is afforded only one portrait. His late older brother Basil, killed in a car crash in 1994, still takes pride of place next to his father here.

All around are obstacle courses. Hundreds of rusting black and white hoops and bars, and truck tyres half buried in the soil. Whatever their shortcomings, graduates from this school must have been fit.

Later, in the biting cold of a mid-winter night in Aleppo, Firas Tmeimi, who took part in the infantry school raid and has since joined attempts to storm other bases, said each operation was a revelation.

“We thought they were strong. But the veil has been lifted. Fear was the regime’s greatest weapon. Without that, we can match them,” he said, before stopping in mid sentence as a distant roar drew nearer.

“Except for the planes,” he added, ducking as a low-flying jet streaked overhead. “Two of them are worth more than all the airbases we’ve seized.”

• This article was amended on 5 February 2013 to correct the spelling of fir trees, from fur trees.

Marijuana Cartoon: “The Haag,” by Dr. Geuss

[youtube http://youtu.be/Rm6K3UTraA8?]

http://harborsidehealthcenter.com/

Lest we forget-31 years (Introduction by OTW) Stories from Hama: Memories of Painter Khaled Al-Khani. Part 3

HAMA-31-MemoriumNearly a year ago, I posted my translation of several segments of the memoir of Khaled Al-Khani, a Syrian painter who lived as a six-year old child the horrors of Hama. Then, I hoped to post all of Khaled’s memoirs, which were originally written by him as eight letters sent to his friends in the early days of the Syrian Revolution, on three installments. I was never able to do the third installment since pain, sorrow, and grief, always struck me hard in nearly every sentence. Khaled and I have become good friends, and every time I started working on the last four letters of his, I could not  stop weeping as I  thought of my friend, living the massacre as a child and hearing the horror stories from his neighbors as he grew up, so I stopped.

Today, we enter the thirty-first anniversary of the Assads’ massacre of Hama. It was on this day, thirty-one years, when an abominable group of barbarians invaded a beautiful city on the Orontes river. What happened  next became suppressed in the memory of millions. It was suppressed in the memories of those who knew of the massacre, but remained silent for fear that the Assads may do to them what they have done to the city of Hama, to Khaled’s friends, to his larger than life father, and to our identity as Syrians. Others were merely ashamed of our own complicity in the crimes, whether that was in believing the lies and distortions of Hafez Al-Assad, or in failing to rise up in aid of our sister city, raped as she was.

In less than two months from now, we mark the beginning of the third year of the Syrian Revolution. Much has happened since I posted the second part of Khaled’s memoir. The horrors khaled describes are now common place, for what was done in 1983 in the secrecy of siege has been happening in the open, by the son of the murderous hafez, a foolish entity, that proved to many existence of filthy genes.

Bashar’s barbarians are not far from his fathers’ and uncle’s. Their crimes are no less horrific as they have demonstrated through countless “leaked tapes”. The Baroudeyeh neighborhood, who fled to the undulation room in a destroyed mosque, are now joined by their children from countless Syrian cities and villages. Photos of murdered detainees, tortured to death, starved, burned, mutilated, are now part of our daily lives.

All of this does not belittle the pain that is Hama. And while we mourn her sisters joining her in tragedy at the hand of the murderous sons and nephews of the senior assad thugs, we must also continue to remember Hama. As I wrote in the previous post, what we see today was foretold thirty-one years ago. It is also a warning that this clan must not remain in Syria, should have no future or connection to Syria, and that its heads, its bullies, their partners, and loyalists a swell as their propagandists and publicity prostitutes must face up for their crimes.

Today, while Syrians die or become refugees on hourly basis, many of the perpetrator of Hama’s massacre remain free. Rifaat Al-Assad enjoys his billions all over Europe, Abdel-Halim Khaddam lives safely in the most expensive area of Paris, and many of the junior thugs, are now generals in the barbarian army, not counting the soldiers and petty-officers have retired. For Hama, then, and for what is happening now in Syria to without punishment is a dishonor not only to Syria, but to humanity as well.

Again, I could not finish translating  all of Khaled’s Memoir. It is still very hard to do. There will be one more. But that is OK, for in having a task like this going incomplete, i continue to remember our dept to Hama, and  the fact that it can never be paid.

Stories from Hama: Memories of Painter Khaled Al-Khani. Part 3

Part 1,  Part 2

11. Life under shelling 150x150.acrylic on canvas

One of Khaled Al-Khani’s 2012 paintings titled: Life under shelling.

When my father slapped me and sent me to join my mother and my brothers and the rest of the residents of the Baroudeyeh neighborhood, it was like he knew that I would never forget the details of the tragedy for as long as I lived. I tell you now, and I swear; I see him today in every martyr among the detainees. I beg your forgiveness. You may find some confusion to this part of my testimony, and you have to excuse me, he is my father.

O’ father, how could you send us to the unknown? What a pain. What went through your heart and mind then?  when your sufferings began to grow.

He was captured in the shelter he went into with my aunt after the army, delayed by some brave young men, later arrived. I know one of these men very well, and he told me how much they suffered from bombardment, and how were they able to delay the savages’ invasion for few days.

My father was arrested with all of the men in the shelter and sent to the ceramic factory. Some of those who were with him told me later that after days of having been with no food and with only rain water to ease their thirst, a few soldiers would come once or twice and throw some bread around asking the people, at gunpoint, to race for the bread in order to amplify our disgrace. There were sheds and cellars in the factory, and as customary, the detainees shared the pain. The cellars were warmer than the sheds, which protected them from the wind, but in the factory yard, a place which became outside universe of humanity, laid killing, maiming, dragging, brutality, teeth pulling, ear and tongue cutting, eyes gouging, and breaking of limbs. Despite all of this, people shared the roles and the pain.

After days of existence in the detention camp, some people began calling my father “Doctor” as a sign of respect and to ease his pain having eased theirs many a time in the past. He repeatedly told them: ”Don’t call me Doctor” because as one of signatories to the city’s intellectuals’ statement sent to the regime calling for democracy and respect for freedom and other human rights, he knew that the regime would not allow any intellectual from our city to survive.  Today, we are calling for our rights again, and we will get them, god willing. One witness told me that my father once chided him for toasting a piece of bread on a makeshift stove and told him to eat it as it is. To date, I could not understand why. Was he concerned about the loss of nutritional value with toasting? or was it the smell, in consideration for the hunger of all of the detainees.

The presence of a physician among the detainees, of whom there were five thousands in this particular detention camp, leaked to the officer.  So, he gathered the detainees in the yard. Then, this senior officer said that they needed a physician, suggesting there was a medical emergency. My father and another doctor adhered to the Hippocratic Oath and answered the call of duty. Little they knew of the planned treachery.  My father and the other doctor were both dragged alive and tortured. They gouged one of my father’s eyes in the midst of his suffering and  one of those who were present told me that my father was on the ground writhing in pain when the soldiers were beating him with their weapons as if they were playing and before he died, the soldiers ganged up him as a pack of wolves. His tribulation and pain lasted for hours. Oh father, what did you feel…? After that, his body, which looked like mine, his face, resembling mine, and his soul, similar those of our today martyrs, was thrown in the yard and later handed to the national hospital, where he remained, with the other martyrs’ , laying at the hospital door. My father’s torture did not end then, for in there, they gouged his other eye, took his identity card and stapled it to his clothes.

One of our relatives was able to retrieve my father’s body. He was buried eyeless.

Today, I swear I never stopped asking for our full rights and for the murderers to receive just punishment. I never stopped, and will never stop until you return to me my father’s eyes to lay them to rest where he is.

I wrote the first few parts of my testimonial while under fear and anxiety from everything and I sent them to you to expose the crimes of this corrupt regime.  God knows, as I was writing, letters of the alphabet abandoned me, and my language did not save me. Sometimes I would search for a letter or a sentence and try to write it down but it would escape as a fugitive does from this tyrannical regime. You have no idea how many a prose I erased out of fear for the safety of people, and how many times I hesitated, stuttered, and cried until I fell down. I swear my crying never stops when I write, and what I write is always forcefully extracted from my memories, which constantly tries to escape into the far and deep corners of my brain.

My father’s corpse was dumped for days among other corpses at the door of the national hospital. Earlier, my father, a non-Baathist, was appointed as a director of the hospital and president of the city’s syndicate of physicians. This was an earlier attempt to signal the regime’s responsiveness to the intellectuals statement and to initiate a dialogue with members of the city’s civil society in the same treacherous tricks being used to out such people by the regime nowadays. We must exercise caution and read the regime’s movements well.

A nurse, who worked with my father when he was the director of the hospital told me that wounded people arrived  to the hospital in an non-slowing acceleration. An incident occurred when a wounded man was brought in  loudly crying out of pain. His cries were so loud to the point where everyone in the hospital heard. He was not the only one crying out of pain, but his voice was the loudest. People who brought him believed, as we all now do, that the cries of pain were the signal to the soldiers who camped at the hospital to finish off the wounded and to assure our complete annihilation.  It was not the treatment to ease the pain that was proportional the the pain of the wounded but the severity of torture awaiting them. The nurse told that the soldiers, accompanied by another nurse who adopted murder with them, opened up the man’s chest while he was writhing and shouting with pain, took out his heart, his blood covering their faces and their military uniforms; until they finally silenced him, forever, as they had thought then. But by god, I am his voice, his pain, and his body, until we honor him as befitting a human. They killed in a celebration of victory over humanity. This is their eternal war. The teller swore that the nurse who identified with the soldiers took out the man’s liver and chewed and spat pieces of it as if god didn’t exist in that place. The woman who told the story remained silent for years about it. Till today, she remains frozen in that place, unable to leave it as she relives repeatedly in her memories the scene. She said that they never asked for the man’s name. They don’t track names. The barbarians don’t know the language of children and women; our language. They know only the language of killing.

Bodies were defaced and disfigured in that hospital. On the walls, they drew with blood and wrote  phrases such as “no god but nation and no prophet but the ba’ath”.  The decapitated heads to express their fear of our mind, or may be so that people remain uncertain about the death of their disappeared beloved, or whether they are among the detainees in the gang’s jails.  This is merely a picture of our psychological torture, which they strove to make chronic up to the present. Until now, doubts remain, and people, heart broken, still yearn for the return of those who went to that place.

It was as if the barbarians were abstracting the Human on a painting dominated by red and adding from the darkness of their hearts to balance their inhuman art. This was their art of painting, sculpting, of cinema and theater, and perhaps of poetry and music, but the  task for narrating was left to me. They excelled over all of those who made contemporary art then, but they forgot that they were killing the human because these are the arts of killing among barbarians. They even performed their own scientific experiments:  intravenous introduction of water and alcohol into the blood of the wounded while they observed what happened. What scientists? They have surpassed the ages. They punctured eardrums, slashed veins and cut productive organs, fingers, and ears. They gouged eyes, and penetrated every orifice with their guns. They used Cyanide on us (I will tell more about it later). They desired god to create us with no ears and no hearts. They desired that god never created us to begin with.

A wounded woman meant more pleasure for them because they can practice more of their arts including the rape of a woman while she is dying or bleeding, or sometimes, being merciful, killing her and then raping her. If she had any jewelry on her, they would extract the jewelry in the most vicious way such as by cutting her hand, or slashing her ear, and more. As they are doing today, then and in that area of my city, they instructed all hospitals not to admit anyone but wounded soldiers, and when no one listened to them, the destroyed all private hospitals. No one escaped their savagery as they looted, ransacked, and destroyed all of the pharmacies in our area.

Hameedo-Pigeons

Commemorating Hameedo’s pigeons. For 31 years, Hameedo and hi pigeons remained part of the artists’ memories of resisting the culture of death of the regime. Hameedo’s insistence on making sure that his pigeons never land in defiance of the soldiers’ bullets was one of the few inspiring things to a six-year old boy living the horrors of the massacre.

Perhaps all of  the survivors from the Boaroudeyeh neighborhood know Hameedo, a mentally disabled young man, who surpassed the murders in intelligence and humanity. Hameedo was there when the massacre of Hama started, and he would never hesitate to declare himself defender of his sacked city. Everyone in the neighborhood knew Hameedo because like a clock, he would release his flocks of pigeons to the sky at sunrise. His voice transcendent,   Hameedo would wake everyone while sending his pigeons off. At sunset, he would sing the sun farewell with his loud voice calling on his flocks to return. A part of the homes and of the place, Hameedo would not stop doing that, even if everyone left. After the barbarians’ night attack on our city, and I don’t really know where he stayed at, but on that morning, while we were in our house, and when bullets flew from all direction,  Hameedo went up to his roof and released his flock and his voice to the sky. His voice mixed with the sound of bullets and the sound of his pigeons was not the usual. It was more like our own sounds. Hameedo’s birds were scared of the bullets as they circled the sky desperately trying to land. Some of them got lost. But not Hameedo, who defied the bullets as his mother was calling him, with his voice being the only voice heard at that moment. We may never understand his feelings, and I think that he did not realize what  he felt, but he stood with his sacked city and may have released his birds to make the barbarian understand his message. What a man? He grew grand in our eyes, freeing himself, and facing the murderers. Ever since that day, I have been trying to reach Hameedo’s heights and to tell you about his struggle, which is unlike any. The soldiers saw Hameedo’s birds and they started sniping them one after the other, but he kept shouting to tell us with his shouts that the barbarians would not refrain from any evil. He did not surrender, and would never allow his pigeons to land on the roof of his house. Some birds landed on other roofs, the rest were killed, but even then, Hameedo did not stop, he went looking for his birds from one roof to the other, enticing them to fly again. He faced the barbarians, and he didn’t hide or surrender to the sound of bullets for he kept that sound out until he was shot by the soldiers, who never understood what emotions are, and never knew what does humanity mean, and never favored it for other creatures.

Hameedo went silent on the roof of his house, but has never been silent in my memories. It is as if he is sending into my soul again what he felt in the wide skies. By god, today, we all feel like Hameedo, who released his weapon of simple humanity to stop the murder. Foretelling before anyone could that the barbarian were here to exterminate all birds,  he departed with his birds to where he desired and left me to carry to your what he wanted for all of you. Where are you now Hameedo? To declare freedom in your own way, you are now eternal in the memories of those surviving residents of the Baroudeyeh. Everyone knew then that Hameedo was flying with his birds towards the sky. He was one of the first martyrs of our neighborhood.

Horses-of-Hama

The residents of Hama’s Baroudeyeh district adored their Arabian Horses. Bestowing their own names on their horses to signify the unique relationship with their Noble horses. The above painting by the artist illustrates the centrality of these horses in their lives.

In the Baroudeyeh, we had horse stables within arabian-styled our homes. All families in our neighborhood had horses and these horses were part of our pride and honor. We never classified our horses as animals, for they carried our names, and in that there was and remains an infinitely clear expression of the nature of the relationship we had with our horses. During  our great escape from the neighborhood, some people remained, but most left. Those who remained told us later what happened to our horses. Before leaving, some men released their horses wanting for them exactly what Hameedo wanted his birds, and that was to stay away from the place, or to fight weapons with his beautiful birds. Many of the fine Arabian bloodstock horses were forced out, in manners we have never done in hundreds of year, a manner that does not at all represent our feelings towards our horses.

Yet, many horses remained, and the barley stores were left opened for them in hope that they can survive. Some believed that they will see their horses again upon their return, but these people did not know that barbarians don’t leave anything behind, and they would not leave our cultural heritage, the habits of our grandfathers, and they knew the symbolism of horses to us.

They did not kill the horses because they knew of their cultural values, and they knew that the loss of our horses will be forever painful to us, which is what they want. None of the survivors tell that they have seen horses among the corpses, because the barbarians have carried the horses to another place. I swear that after the end of the massacre, and the return of those who survived it to the city, the people of my city went looking for their horses as if they were looking for their own children. If any one mentioned that a beautiful horse or mare was seen in another governorate, they would go to investigate whether it was one of our beautiful horses. We never saw any, and did not found an answer until the golden horseman showed up, and then the people of Hama knew to where the horses disappeared. His father was never a horseman, nor was his grandfather. While he may have learned riding with our horses, not everyone understands the language of horses, because it teaches ethics, and it only befits us. Bassel al-assad, you never were a horseman, and this is not how horsemanship is.

To be continued

source

Part 1

31st anniversary of the Hama massacre

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