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I have a parallel blog in French at http://anniebannie.net

Month

August 2012

Dead journalists and Sister Agnes-Mariam

The Committee for the Protection of Journalists has an important report up by Dahlia El Zein. The attacks on media personnel affiliated with the Syrian regime has been rightly condemned. But not enough is said about the regime’s more systematic policy to co-opt and in some cases deliberately trap journalists for propaganda purposes. Most shocking however is the role of Sister Agnes-Mariam, the regime-affiliated nun who has been feted both by the far left and the Christian right. The nun has already been condemned by Father Paolo Dell’Oglio, who was expelled by the regime for his criticisms after spending 30 years of his life in the country. The following story is further indictment.

Evidence of government targeting in the deaths of the international journalists is circumstantial, although the journalists on the ground perceived that they were under attack. CPJ spoke with Sid Ahmed Hammouche, a reporter with the Swiss daily La Liberté who participated in the government-sponsored trip that ended in Jacquier’s death. He said he believes the government laid a trap for the reporters.

Gilles Jacquier (AFP)Gilles Jacquier (AFP)

Hammouche and Jacquier were among a group of 15 journalists allowed into Syria on government-issued visas facilitated bySister Agnes-Mariam de la Croix, a Lebanese nun of Palestinian origin with close relations to the Assad regime. Sister Agnes had helped arrange a reporting trip to Homs on January 11, although she declined to accompany the group, saying her absence would help them move freely. Jacquier resisted the Homs trip, believing it unsafe, but Sister Agnes urged him to go or risk losing the opportunity to renew his visa beyond the initial four-day period, Hammouche told CPJ in an account consistent with news reports.

Once they arrived in Homs, the journalists divided into two groups, one with journalists from CNN, CBS, and BBC who were led by the Ministry of Information to visit a local hospital. The other contingent included Hammouche, three French journalists, including Jacquier, his wife, Caroline Poiron, Jacquier’s cameraman, Christophe Kenck; and Swiss and Belgian journalists. That group was escorted by 20 Syrian soldiers dressed in military fatigues and in plainclothes. This group was also supposed to visit the hospital but they were detoured without explanation to a pro-Assad neighborhood, Hammouche said, where they interviewed residents. As they left the area, the group encountered a pro-Assad march and heard an explosion.

To his surprise, Hammouche said, the soldiers took no evident action to protect the journalists or respond to the explosion; instead, most of the soldiers dispersed without explanation, leaving four escorts who appeared relaxed and dismissed the noise as a “sound explosion.” Hammouche said the soldiers urged the journalists to go toward the explosions to investigate. Hammouche said he and a Swiss colleague refused, remaining in one of two government vehicles, but Jacquier and the others traveled toward the source of the initial explosion.

More explosions followed, Hammouche recounted: “There were four explosions total in a 10-minute period. And that’s it. We didn’t hear a sound after that.”

Kenck, Jacquier’s cameraman, rushed back. The reporter, he said, appeared to have died in the explosions. At a local clinic where the body was taken, Hammoche recounted, Syrian authorities were insistent that the journalists give statements blaming the attack on “terrorists.” They also urged Caroline Poiron to give her husband’s body over to Syrian authorities for what they termed an autopsy, pressure so strong that she, Hammouche, Kenck felt compelled to stand guard over the body for several hours before it could be given to French officials.

French authorities later began a criminal investigation; no autopsy details have been disclosed. The Syrian government blamed the strike on opposition forces, labeling it a “terrorist” attack.

A deadly attack, professional resolve

Marie Colvin (AFP)Marie Colvin (AFP)

The worst episode for the press came on February 22, when several government shells struck a makeshift media center in a three-story building in the Baba Amr neighborhood. Conroy, a former target acquisition/communications operative in the British Royal Artillery, said he believed the attack was deliberate because the pattern of repeated shelling on the center was intended to cause massive damage and take out its target. He told CBS news that the February 22 shelling did not fit earlier patterns, which appeared indiscriminate. This time, he said, the strike appeared to have military coordination: “The first shots hit wide. A second round narrowed their target. The third set of shots hit the house–’fire for effect,’ it’s called–and they fired for effect and killed two very good people, wounded a few others, and destroyed the building.”Jean-Pierre Perrin, a journalist for the Paris-based daily Libération who was with Colvin and Conroy in Baba Amr before leaving days earlier, told CPJ that government forces could have easily picked out the building since it was the only one in the area with consistent electricity, which was provided by a generator that worked through the night amid an otherwise darkened neighborhood. Reports also suggest Syrian authorities could have picked up the satellite phone signals the journalists used to communicate with the outside world, a tactic similar to one used by the Russians in the conflict in Chechnya. Technology experts have told CPJ that satellite phones can be tracked with relative ease.

For those who survived, like Espinosa of the Spanish daily El Mundo, the effect was profound. “It makes you feel that you can be also a victim of the conflict,” Espinosa told CPJ. “But I always compare my situation with that of the civilians living around me. And always we, the foreign journalists, are a type of VIP in those conflicts so we have a duty to keep reporting. For the local citizen journalists in Baba Amr, it was also the same. They did not stop working because some of their team was killed. In fact, one was working even after being wounded.”

Said Hammouche: “We are witnesses. We serve as witnesses to the brutal oppression. And if we let them scare us away, then they have won.”

source

A Syrian voice

From Syria Comment : 21. Juergen :

someone just posted this on facebook:

Having heard a lot of accusations and allegations against our Revolution, I wanted to apologize officially today at the Assad supporters and the world community.

We are sorry!
We are sorry that we, ordinary Syrians have gone for our freedom on the streets. Without permission of the Super Powers.
We are sorry that we have thwarted your plans for Syria and that we dared to havesome of our own.

We are sorry that we wanted human rights for us.

We are sorry that we have exposed your lies, cold-heartedness and the hypocrisy.

We are sorry that we have turned with our Revolution Uncle Bashar into a monster and we feel not ashamed for it.

We are sorry that the sight of our tattered bodies arent suitable for your tv screens and your sensitive eye .

We are sorry that we have asked for humanitarian and medical aid.

We are sorry that we have become refugees, begging on the streets and disrupt the city.

We are sorry that the blood of our children is not red enough to reach the conscience of many leftists.

We are sorry that we have dared to defend ourselves after months of steady killing.

We are sorry that our strive for freedom will not fit into your concepts.

We are sorry that we will not accept your apology.

August 2012

2+2=

[youtube http://youtu.be/jNtkE9jq5eY?]

iranian short movie/ english and arabic subtitles

how similar dictatoships are

“If My Blood Was Oil” poem

[youtube http://youtu.be/DcX_fXwE99o?]

عفوا هل انا انسان:اتحداك ان تسمع هذا الشعر ولا يعجبك (in Arabic)

[youtube http://youtu.be/Vvnv6xhWjfA?]

Syria: Face to face with the spy who nearly killed me

Captured by the Free Syrian Army, the spy cut a pitiful figure. Yet a fortnight ago, he almost managed to kill Richard Spencer, who spoke to him in prison.

Malik Al Saidi, 27 a pro-regime spy is seen at Mari High School, which is being used as a prison by the Free Syrian Army (FSA), in Mari, Syria on Aug. 13, 2012.

Malik Al Saidi, 27 a pro-regime spy is seen at Mari High School, which is being used as a prison by the Free Syrian Army (FSA), in Mari, Syria  Photo: ADAM DEAN
Richard Spencer

By , Aleppo

8:00AM BST 19 Aug 2012

Revolutionaries fear spies and informers more than anything, particularly when taking on the sort of Arab dictators who themselves thrived for decades on paranoia and conspiracy.

In the flesh, the spies that cause so much trepidation are usually more wretched than their reputation.

So it was for Malik Saidi, no James Bond but a nervous, shaven-headed young man of 27 who spoke with head bowed and an apologetic look in his eye.

There was great excitement at the Free Syrian Army headquarters in Aleppo when Saidi was arrested. That afternoon, August 6, the base was attacked by regime fighter jets firing missiles, and though the rebel soldiers had been expecting to be targeted, the explosions sent a shiver of panic through the men sleeping and preparing their weapons there.

“We have caught a spy,” said Lt Abdullah Yassin, an FSA officer, shortly afterwards. “He gave information to the regime for air strikes on our base. He has been handed over to interrogators and has confessed.

“He will be executed. He has been sent to prison, and he will be judged. But I think he will be executed.”

Journalists should not interpose themselves into their stories, but it would be remiss not to declare an interest here. I was standing on the steps of the FSA base when the air strike Saidi called in struck and, if it had not missed, I too would probably be dead.

He was the spy who nearly killed me, then, and it is hard to deny that this added an extra layer of curiosity when, after more than a week of trying, I discovered where Saidi was being held and persuaded his jailors to allow me to meet him.

He was a sorry character. He was wearing the regulation uniform of the rebels’ prisoners, grey sweat-pants and a vest. He said he had been well-treated and he bore no obvious signs of brutality, except for marks around his wrist suggesting he had been shackled tightly for some considerable time.

He walked with head bowed, and spoke in a monotone, but clearly and without contradiction.

He was not a very professional or well-trained spy. Already a member of the Shabiha, the thuggish pro-regime militia recruited to brutalise the opposition by Syria’s security services from the start of the revolution, he had been sent to infiltrate the FSA base by paymasters from what was once the Air Force Intelligence barracks not far away.

He lasted just nine days before, predictably enough, a civilian neighbour of the barracks who knew him as one of its Shabiha spotted him with rebel troops and asked what he was doing there.

“He knew I worked for Air Force Intelligence,” he said. “He and the people with him started to attack me, punching me and hitting me with sticks. Then they handed me over to the FSA.”

It was a well-timed arrest — too well-timed, perhaps, to be entirely credible — but for the families killed in the strike, the Kayalis and the Katabs, not well-timed enough. For he had already triggered the bomb attack that was to obliterate them.

Since he had “joined” the FSA he had regularly phoned in intelligence on what they were doing, and had finally been asked to place a signalling device, he said, in their base. He had put one in one of the unused classrooms of the school the FSA were using that morning, and activated it.

“I was supposed to run away beforehand,” he said. “But then I was captured.” The air strike took place 20 minutes later.

Although it missed the base, his turned out to be no victimless crime. As with so many regime air strikes, it was ordinary Aleppines who paid the price of the inaccuracy of old Russian weaponry, and the Katab and Kayali families who shared the house behind the base were destroyed instantaneously.

Three children, their mother and another woman, and four men had no idea that they were about to be attacked. An hour later, an angry crowd began digging out the bodies: only pieces of bodies, really, piled respectfully on the pavement.

It is hard to know what to make of Saidi’s story. On the one hand, it seems far too convenient that someone arrested so soon before a highly damaging air strike should so easily confess to having “called it in”. On the other hand, the fact of his arrest slipped out accidentally and no-one volunteered him to speak to the media.

On the contrary, it took several days of persuasion to set the interview up.

He was one of a number of Shabiha prisoners introduced to the press over the last two weeks at the prison where they are being held in the town of Mari, north of Aleppo, that is home to the leader of rebel forces fighting in the city, Abdulqadr Saleh al-Hajji.

Whatever the truth of their individual confessions, their background gives some indication of the regime’s methods in recruiting them.

While the core of the Shabiha are said to be smugglers and petty criminals from the Alawi, the Shia offshoot sect to which the Assad regime belongs, many are from a class of poorly-educated, government-dependent Sunnis hired by money and threats.

Saidi worked at a factory dyeing clothes before losing his job and becoming a driving instructor. This brought him into contact with the police who targeted him for the Shabiha when the uprising started, threatening his livelihood and family if he didn’t agree to join and offering money if he did.

He was assigned to a 20-strong squad led by Ahmed Fadel Aswad, whom we met separately. Aswad, 35, said that in his year of service, his men beat and occasionally killed protesters, raped women – including girls seized after protests at Aleppo University – and planted bombs whose destruction could be blamed on “terrorists”.

Again, not all he says is convincing – at least one of the bomb attacks he said he carried out was also claimed by Jubhat al-Nusra, a jihadist group which is certainly now fighting in conjunction with the Free Syrian Army in Aleppo. But the thrust of his story was believable and the main details were not as extreme as a propagandist might want to construct.

Another member of the gang, Firaz Hadid, whose story was also consistent with the others’, said he personally had not done anything “really bad” at all – he had neither killed nor raped anyone, just wielded a machete on protesters.

Like the others, Hadid was full of remorse, and said he had only joined up because he ran an illegal fruit and vegetable stall and had been threatened with his livelihood by police. He had been jailed before because of his stall and was frightened to go back.

Contrary to Lt Yassin’s expectations, the rebels are promising that none of the men will be executed. FSA leaders are aware that a recent spate of killings by rebels across northern Syria – most spectacularly, the shooting 20 days ago of four members of a Shabiha family in the playground of the same Aleppo school-cum-FSA base – has alarmed human rights groups and the wider western world.

At a time when they are more hopeful that some sort of western intervention, perhaps a no-fly zone, could be brought into play, they are suddenly keen to demonstrate that they are not a bunch of rogue guerrillas.

In Aleppo, a crude judicial system is being set up. Those arrested in the city, like the three Shabiha, are brought before the FSA’s senior civilian leader, a black-turbaned former businessman who goes by the nom de guerre Abu Suleiman and spent 15 years in Dubai before returning to Syria.

After a preliminary investigation of any accusations, Abu Suleiman decides whether to release them or hold them. Petty criminals are often banged up in the makeshift jail at the base for a brief period – accompanied, in the case of three teenage shoplifters whose arrest was witnessed by The Sunday Telegraph, by a quick whipping with knotted rope.

More serious offenders – mainly Shabiha – are transferred to Mari to await trial.

There, the man responsible for civil affairs on the rebels’ local coordination committee said, they are assured of good treatment and, some time in the future, a court hearing with lawyers.

“We are still working on the details,” the official, Abu Hatem, said. “But there will be no death penalty. We do not believe in capital punishment here. We will not treat them the way they treated us.”

The 250 men in the Mari prison do not look overconfident of their fate, spending most of their days in classroom cells staring at their feet. On their two periods of exercise a day, they run sharply to it when their jailors shout.

In a rebel prison in a neighbouring town, Tal Rifaat, the local sharia council has confirmed to journalists and to a Human Rights Watch team that light beating with hands on the back is an accepted form of punishment, and beating of the feet to extract information.

On the other hand, an unannounced evening visit to Mari found prisoners in nothing worse than a prayer session. Abu Hatem said that in Mari, at least, the court system he was setting up would follow a form of civil law, not Sharia.

Keen to promote his humanitarian credentials further, he also refused permission for photographs to be taken that showed any of the prisoners’ faces, citing the Geneva Convention.

Saidi said he had been told by his bosses that if he was caught by the FSA he would be killed. “But the FSA didn’t kill me, though those neighbours wanted to,” he said. “They have given me medical treatment.”

He said – perhaps inevitably – that he had confessed because he felt “guilty” about what he had done. He did add, though, that he had only started to feel guilty the moment he was arrested.

As for the victims of his spying – not me, of course, but the nine people from two families who were blown to pieces – he offered just a brief, but formal, apology. “I am very sorry,” he said.

source

Nun on Irish visit accused of peddling ‘regime lies’ about crisis in Syria

MARY FITZGERALD, Foreign Affairs Correspondent

AN ITALIAN Jesuit expelled from Syria in June due to his outspoken criticism of government violence has accused a controversial nun who visited Ireland last week of peddling “regime lies” about the crisis there.

Fr Paolo Dall’Oglio, who lived in Syria for 30 years and has been heavily involved in interfaith work in the country, described Mother Agnes Mariam as “an instrument” of President Bashar al-Assad’s regime. “She has been consistent in assuming and spreading the lies of the regime, and promoting it through the power of her religious persona,” he told The Irish Times yesterday. “She knows how to cover up the brutality of the regime.”

During her four-day visit to Ireland last week, Mother Agnes Mariam, who is superior at the Melkite Greek Catholic monastery in Syria, gave media interviews in which she claimed Christians in Syria were facing “extinction” and that rebels battling Assad were predominantly foreigners linked with al-Qaeda.

Fr Dall’Oglio, who has spent time with opposition activists in several restive parts of Syria, said these claims were “ridiculous” and constituted regime propaganda.

“I have been there, I know the people, including the youth, who are working for the revolution, and I know that what she is saying is insane. It corresponds with the regime version of the facts,” he said.

Mother Agnes Mariam, who visited Dublin and Belfast, had separate meetings with representatives of the Irish Bishops Conference justice and peace committee, Sinn Féin TD Seán Crowe, Nobel peace laureate Mairead Corrigan Maguire, and an official from the Department of Foreign Affairs.

One of her interlocutors here was taken aback when the nun claimed during their meeting that the Houla massacre, in which more than 100 civilians, more than half of them children, were killed, was an elaborate hoax concocted by rebels. This week a UN commission of inquiry concluded that Syrian government forces and the pro-Assad militia known as shabiha were responsible for the massacre.

In March, Mother Agnes Mariam was accused of running a “misinformation campaign” by a US-based Syrian opposition group called Syrian Christians for Democracy.

It said she maintains “close ties” to the Assad family and alleged she had fed selected visiting journalists “distorted facts and fake testimonies for the sole purpose of tarnishing the opposition’s image”.

The group referred to the role of a number of Christians in the Syrian uprising.

“Mother Agnes and those helping her are harming the Syrian people by disseminating negative pro-Assad propaganda and tearing at Syria’s social and religious fabrics,” it said. “The Christians in Syria, as well as the rest of the population, are in need of undivided support, backing, and funding. They do not need divisive rumours and the propagation of inaccurate information.”

Mother Agnes Mariam’s trip to Ireland was organised by Alan Lonergan, who acts as churches liaison officer with Sadaka, an Irish pro-Palestinian advocacy group, though he arranged the visit in a personal capacity.

“The impression people have of what is happening in Syria is very black and white,” he said. “We need to examine more of the grey area.”

source

Palestine never existed ?

If you love Palestine please use this world map as a profile picture or at least post and share it with your friends and here is why…
On July 25th Iron Chef Sameh Wadi owner of Saffron restaurant who happens to be Palestinian posted this world map from the early 1700, showing the state of Palestine. His caption was “We need more world maps that are correct, such as this one!” which by they doesn’t mean that he hates Israel but as a Palestinian he loves his own country and excited to see it on a world map.

Until someone started reading between the lines like the bug eater Andrew Zimmren and tweets this to the whole world. All Zionist customers boycott the restaurant (although they admit they love the food) and started giving it bad rep.
Andrew Zimmern @andrewzimmern tweets: Sameh Wadi … Your joking right? Are you saying Israel doesn’t exist? Or shouldn’t? http://twitpic.com/aemyr7
And then AZ followed that up with this: @saffronmpls Care to explain your comment at top? Do you deny existence of Israel? Or just want it to go a http://instagr.am/p/N1OQYBIK5s/
Perhaps Zimmern should stick to eating bugs and stay away from politics. Everyone is entitled to their own opinion on their own Facebook page. Palestine was on the world map and will come back regardless of what you say. No ethnic cleansing will make it go away.

— avec Charlotte Karem Albrecht et 49 autres personnes.

Photo : If you love Palestine please use this world map as a profile picture or at least post and share it with your friends and here is why…<br /><br /> On July 25th Iron Chef Sameh Wadi owner of Saffron restaurant who happens to be Palestinian posted this world map from the early 1700, showing the state of Palestine. His caption was “We need more world maps that are correct, such as this one!” which by they doesn’t mean that he hates Israel but as a Palestinian he loves his own country and excited to see it on a world map.<br /><br /> Until someone started reading between the lines like the bug eater Andrew Zimmren and tweets this to the whole world. All Zionist customers boycott the restaurant (although they admit they love the food) and started giving it bad rep.<br /><br /> Andrew Zimmern @andrewzimmern tweets: Sameh Wadi … Your joking right? Are you saying Israel doesn’t exist? Or shouldn’t? http://twitpic.com/aemyr7<br /><br />  And then AZ followed that up with this: @saffronmpls Care to explain your comment at top? Do you deny existence of Israel? Or just want it to go a http://instagr.am/p/N1OQYBIK5s/<br /><br /> Perhaps Zimmern should stick to eating bugs and stay away from politics. Everyone is entitled to their own opinion on their own Facebook page. Palestine was on the world map and will come back regardless of what you say. No ethnic cleansing will make it go away.

source : Miko Peled’s fb

A Syrian Voice

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[youtube http://youtu.be/TxZ3WXkzoHs?]

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