Search

band annie's Weblog

I have a parallel blog in French at http://anniebannie.net

Month

January 2012

Former Syrian vice president explains Assad’s civil war scheme; intellectuals ridicule Arab League mission

Tuesday, 10 January 2012

Abdul Halim Khaddam, a former Syrian vice president, who fled the country in 2005, says President Assad is manipulating the international community. (Al Arabiya)

Abdul Halim Khaddam, a former Syrian vice president, who fled the country in 2005, says President Assad is manipulating the international community. (Al Arabiya)

By Al Arabiya with Agencies

A former Syrian vice president, Abdul Halim Khaddam, explained the machinations behind plans by Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to face the ongoing anti-regime protests and the increasing regional and international pressure, while several Syrian writers lashed out at the Arab League mission for failing to protect civilians and stop regime brutality.

“Assad spoke to one of the Lebanese ministers, an ally of his, and told him he will never offer any concessions,” Khaddam, who resigned and moved to Paris in 2005, told Al Arabiya’s The Last Hour on Tuesday.

Assad, Khaddam added, also said that if the Arab world and the international community keep putting pressure on him, he would ignite civil war in Syria and establish an independent state in the coastal area.
#

“His main aim now is to divide the country and he is taking advantage of the current silence of the international community, which gives him more chances to stay.”

Khaddam called upon the International Community, particularly Western countries, to start taking action through the Security Council.

“They have to protect the Syrian people and to prevent the regime from killing protestors.”

Khaddam pointed out that inside the Syrian opposition there is a group that supports holding negotiations with the regime.

“Those are hoping that they can take part in ruling the country and they are the reason why the opposition is now divided into two groups: one tolerant towards the regime and another adamant to topple it.”

Meanwhile, the Syrian writer Hussein Oudat criticized the decision of the Arab Ministerial Committee on Syria to give the monitoring mission more time.

“What was supposed to be a decision has turned into a list of wishes made by the Syrian authorities,” he said.

Oudat pointed out that the mission of the observers’ committee was to determine how serious the Syrian regime is about implementing the initiative, which was reduced to a protocol approved by the regime.

“Then observers ended up monitoring only a small part of this protocol.”

He added that Arab monitors in Syria are not qualified to carry out investigations and that they lack a clear strategic plan for monitoring the situation.

“Plus, they do not have the necessary financial support for such a mission.”
Oudat criticized the observers committee’s lack of independence.

“The Syrian regime provides committee members with means of transportation and regime loyalists accompany them to places that the regime decides they should visit and which are not necessarily the places they should see.”

According to Syrian journalist Ayad Sharbatji, the majority of people are eyeing the monitoring committee with suspicion.

“Syrians trust neither the head of the committee nor several of its members, who are representatives of their respective repressive regimes that support Bashar al-Assad,” he told Al Arabiya.

Sharbatji added that members of the committee have already deviated from their original mission, which is making sure the terms of the Arab initiative are being implemented.

“The Arab League also failed in putting pressure on the Syrian regime to pull out the military and security forces from the streets or to release political detainees.”

Instead of stopping its violence against protestors, Sharbatji added, the regime is actually becoming more brutal in crushing protests.

“The regime is also playing games with observers, for no sooner do they leave a place after inspecting it than security forces start another round of killing and destruction in it, and when the people ask observers to come back to see for themselves what happened, they refuse most of the time.”

(Translated from Arabic by Sonia Farid)

Rest In Peace, Ibrahim Aslan

The great Ibrahim Aslan (1935-2012) died yesterday after entering the hospital with heart trouble. He was 77.

His funeral will be held today at the Mosque of Bilal bin Rabah in Moqattam, according to Shorouk News. Numerous writers, friends, and readers have expressed their sorrow at the loss.

From acclaimed Egyptian novelist Radwa Ashour, on Twitter, “Short sentences; words calculated as though their author were anxious to keep them from harm. Fos7a saturated with colloquial. Sorrow blended with laughter. I’m referring to the methods of Ibrahim Aslan.”

From novelist and journalist Mansoura Ez Eldin on Facebook: “With you, we say goodbye to a cherished part of our memory and our relationship to writing and culture.”

Popular author Bilal Fadl wrote on Twitter that Ibrahim Aslan’s work is widely available, adding, that, “An author does not die unless people stop reading him.”

And Palestinian poet Mourid Barghouti added, also on Twitter, “The most beautiful of the Nile’s birds leaves the lake this evening. Goodbye Ibrahim Aslan.”**

On Aslan:

ArabLit: Ibrahim Aslan on His Regrets: ‘I Was A Little Too Afraid of Writing’

Mohammad Shoair at Al Ahram: The old man and the river

Excerpts of Aslan’s work:

“Training,” trans. Maya Abu-Deeb

Excerpts of his books in Arabic are available on his Shorouk website.

Read on here

«Awaiting Death» by the Syrian writer Samar Yazbek

Samar Yazbek

Des manifestants près de la mosquée des Omeyyades. Photo AP

Samar Yazbek is a very important Syrian writer. She is the author of 4 novels, 2 collections of short stories and several film scripts. She is currently a cinema and television critic. Her style is quite original. She is very courageous to deal with themes related to the disappointments of a marginalised generation.

Samar Yazbek

Her novel “Ra’ihat al-Qirfa” (The Smell of Cinnamom) is being translated into French and has been recently published in Italy. This original text hereunder speaks of the anguish felt by the author during the tragic events that are ravaging Syria.


It is not true that death will have your eyes when it comes.

It is not true that the desire for death is like the desire for love. These two are not identical, yet they both float in nothingness.

In love, one identifies oneself with another person, whereas in death one identifies with one’s existence and the metamorphosis from tangible substance to an abstract idea. People have always seen death as being more noble than their own existence: if not, why venerate the dead? The deceased, who was here among us only a few minutes ago, is at once turned into nothing but a spark.

I would not say that I am calm now, but I am silent. I can hear my heart thumping like the echo of a distant explosion: more clearly than the sound of bullets, screaming kids, and wailing mothers, and even more clearly than the trembling voice of my mother when she tells me not to go out into the street.

The assassins are everywhere.

Death is everywhere.

In the village,

In the city,

By the seaside.

Assassins are taking over both humans and places, and they are terrorizing people. They come to the homes of our neighbors, telling them that we are about to kill them. Then, they turn back at us crying: They will kill you!

I am the accidental visitor to this place. I am the improvisation of life. I do not belong to my own community. Like a wild animal, I float in nothingness. I struggle in the void except for my existential freedom. I look out through the window and observe, I grow calmer and then become silent. My voice is smothered. At this moment, the words of filmmaker Omar Amiralay, come to my mind. During one of our morning meetings, I said: “I’m going to write novels about the history of this country,” and he replied: “Hurry up then! Because I can see that you are under the sentence of death.” I burst out laughing. He adds, smiling: “If it weren’t for your daughter, of course!” Had he not known my relation with death – which often had saved my life – Omar, the witty man that he was, would not have uttered those words lightly. Death is very much like love: if you want to get rid of it, immerse yourself in it. If you want to be burnt by love, keep it away from you.

I wanted to be done with this existence at once. Overwhelmed by details, I failed to perceive at the time, that this indifference would make me strong and vulnerable. And then, that I would cling to life with such fear. Fear of what? How do people fear? They do not even know that, as they breathe, they fear.

For fifteen years, ever since I moved to the capital with my daughter, I have kept a knife in my bag and carried it with me everywhere. For years, I told myself that I would use it against those who would attack a lonely woman like myself. I did not have to use it often, yet I waved it a few times in the faces of speechless men. Lately, I have told myself: “I would stab it in my own heart before anyone could offend my dignity.”

So what does this all mean now, in the whirl of death? Going out into the streets has become a likely occasion to die. But the idea tickles me… to walk down the street knowing that someone could kill you any minute. Indeed, going out with friends to protest, well aware that security officials are ready to shoot you dead on the spot, is a crazy, weird idea. These are the same security officers who have crushed, betrayed, arrested and killed people for centuries: now, once more, they walk the streets in cold blood.

How do human bodies turn into lethal weapons? Their hands, eyes, hair, heads and all their organs are similar to yours. How can people be turned into pincers and hooks? In the blink of an eye, reality becomes fantasy. Because reality is more bitter than fantasy. It has been said that writing novels requires fantasy; well, I would say that it requires reality – and only reality. For that which is written in novels is always less brutal than what happens for real.

The untruthful lady was on TV. My mother said: “Listen, she talks of traitors and sectarian strife. Woe betide us! Shut the windows!” But the neighbors and I take her words lightly. We are united more than one family. I argue with my mother and suddenly burst into tears. The images come back to me: of children being tortured, of murdered young people. The face of the child who I carried in my arms in Marjeh Square while he watched his family beaten up and arrested. I listen to a man on TV speaking of the blood of martyrs in Deraa, and he called for revenge. “We will not reply to this woman (the untruthful woman), we will not reply to women, because who listens to a woman.

What happens does not look like me; the applause of my family to the lady, the applause of my friends to the martyrs’ blood. I am ashamed of the martyrs’ blood. I retreat into my shell. Oh Lord! If a human mistake is made, and it turns out that you are sitting up there, refusing to come down to see what is happening, I will reach out for you from your seventh heaven so you see and hear.

I go out on my balcony where the lemon trees exhilarate me. The place is quiet, it is only moments before the backfire will start anew. Everyone knows that this calm is not the calm of nature, it is the security system’s hegemony and nobody dares disturb it. Officials are everywhere in the streets, turning the city into a carnival of terror. Suddenly, chaos prevails. People start running away, and some get randomly eliminated. Gangs emerge from underground: they grow like plants, without logic or reason.

People ask themselves: “From where did these gangs come? How could they murder all these people, with their bullets dancing beneath our feet and under our windows? How did it all happen?” These are the gangs that terrorize our Sunni neighbors, telling them that we are after them and plan to kill them. Then, they turn to us and say the same thing about the Alawites. Me, an intruder in this place, I observe all of this with horror. I am the one exiled from both the city and the village, from the sea and the air. I am under everyone’s gaze. I know both sides. I know other aspects of Damascus life, where the city has been transformed into a village of another nature.

What am I doing here?

Am I waiting for death? Yes, that is something I have always known, and meanwhile I continue fighting. The debates are resumed: “the saboteurs, hackers…” I have become withdrawn: I am an intruder among my own people, an intruder in my bed, an intruder in a silent and impossible love. I poke my nose into everything and yet I am nothing. I am a mass of flesh curled up under the bedspread. I even sneak into the asphalt of the street outside. I sink into the sorrow of every Syrian crossing the street in front of me. I hear the gunfire, the screams and the prayers. I am the mass of flesh that goes from house to house every morning in the hopes of finding a loophole, while pretending to do something, something false that would allow itself to be done in the course of justice.

But what is all of that worth now? Nothing.

All the slogans, all the suffering, all the hatred that lead to so much murder and death mean nothing anymore. The reality is that the streets are empty. The cities are ghost towns. The military machineries are everywhere, yet the army has vanished. Where is the army? Who trusts this nonsense nowadays anyway? The army allows the gangs to terrorize and kill people without intervening. Even the security officers, who used to terrorize civilians, have suddenly become vulnerable to these gangs.

What is this insanity?

It is death. It is a living creature moving forward on its feet. I can hear its voice and I can gaze at it. I know its taste. I know the taste of a knife on the neck, and of boots on the neck too. I have known this for a long time, ever since I first escaped from this narrow world, and since my second and third escape from it. I am a deferred crime of honor in my family and a crime of treason in my community and sect, and in… and in…

I am no longer afraid: not because I am brave, for I am very fragile, but as a force of habit.

I no longer fear death: I wait for it, serenely, with my cigarette and coffee. I think to myself and say that I dare to stare into the eye of a sniper on the roof of a building. I can stare at him without batting an eyelid. I walk down the street unhurriedly, staring at the roofs. I cross the sidewalks and the city square and I think to myself: where might the sniper be now? I think that I will write a novel about a sniper watching a woman walking sedately down the street. I think of the two of them as lonely heroes in a ghost town. I think of the streets as those in José Saramago’s Blindess.

I go back to the capital, knowing that this place will never be the same again. Fear no longer comes as naturally as breath. Life here has changed, all at once and forever.

I go back, knowing that I will not cease to demand justice even if it puts my life at risk. It is the force of habit: no more, no less. I shall wait for death and shall not place flowers on my grave*.

___

*Allusion to the title of a famous poem from Syrian poet Daad Haddad: I am the one who bring the flowers to his grave.

Source 

In Search of Palestine – Edward Said’s Return Home (BBC)

[youtube http://youtu.be/ksTgAL-e9yo?]

Israel Controls USA

On FB :

Brilliant, and I do not care how un-PC it is, this is a brilliant video. Even if you find some of this offensive, you cannot say that its assessment of America is anything short of poetry. America, the nation that had it all… now flushing itself down the toilet. It is a mind-numbing, awe-inspiring fall from grace. If the world’s fate were not so intertwined with the fate of this latest imperial manifestation, it would make for the greatest black comedy ever. It is hard to know whether one should laugh or cry. God bless America, she sure as hell is gonna need it.
….

….

It wasn’t easy, finding Jim Traficant. Without the help of the American Free Press, (AFP), we never would have found him. Traficant of Youngstown Ohio was running for his old Congressional seat. What sort of campaign could he be running? After all, we’d seen the Greta von Susteren Fox News interview (Sept. 9, 2009, just a few days after Traficant was released from prison). Here’s some of what Traficant had said, “I believe that Israel has a powerful strangle hold on the American government. They control…the House and Senate. They have us involved in wars of which we have little or no interest. Our children are coming back in body bags. Our nation is bankrupt over these wars, and if you open your mouth, you get targeted. And if they don’t beat you at the polls, they’ll put you in prison… It’s an objective assessment that no one will have the courage to speak about. They’re controlling much of our foreign policy. They’re influencing much of our domestic policy. Wolfowitz as Under Secretary of Defense manipulated President Bush #2 back into Iraq. They pushed definitely, definitely to try and get Bush, before he left, to move into Iran. We’re conducting expansionist policy of Israel and everybody’s afraid to say it. They control much of the media…”
WAS IT POSSIBLE somewhere in Ohio someone could say such things and not be ostracized, denounced, trounced? Actually, no. There really was no campaign. Few in the political business dared have anything to do with him, donate to him, invite him, quote him. Only a maverick Tea Party organizer offered him an evening campaign event. Otherwise, the popular sheriff and then Congressman was pretty much shunned. And yet he came in a close third on Nov.2, 2010, with over 30,000 votes.

Interview with Haitham al-Maleh”We Want the Syrian Regime to Be Further Isolated”

The Syrian human rights lawyer Haitham al-Maleh is calling on the international community to increase pressure on the Assad regime. Martina Sabra spoke to him about the West’s sanctions policy, the Arab League’s observer mission and the prospects for the Syrian uprising
Mr al-Maleh, what conclusions do you draw from the Arab League’s observer mission to Syria so far?

Haitham al-Maleh: In principle, it is a good thing to send observers to Syria. But Syria would have to meet the Arab League’s related requirements, i.e. the withdrawal of the military from the streets of the villages and towns, the removal of snipers and a halt to the bloodshed. Syrians must be given the chance to demonstrate peacefully, and the international media must be allowed to report independently. These are the most important points.

So far, the Syrian regime has made no attempt to meet the demands of the Arab League?

Al-Maleh: No. Demonstrators are still being killed; protesters are still being arrested on the streets; over 100,000 people are still being held by the regime, and there is no free media coverage.

Observers from the Arab League after their arrival in Deraa (photo: dpa)
Observers from the Arab League are currently in Syria to determine whether the Assad regime is abiding by the peace plan and withdrawing its soldiers from residential areas; the mission has, however, come in for severe criticism following continuing violence against members of the opposition So one has to be realistic and conclude that the regime rejects this observer mission. I don’t care whether the regime signed the protocol or not. I am talking about the facts here. And the fact is that the regime has not truly engaged with the Arab initiative and civilians are not being protected.

But does this mission not have one positive aspect? After all, international observers have at last been allowed into the country?

Al-Maleh: This observer mission can open an office for a certain length of time in the cities where it has been deployed. You could call this is a partial protection that benefits citizens.

Last Friday (30 December 2011), the biggest demonstrations so far took place in Syria. I think that had something to do with the fact that the observers were in the area. But that is the only advantage I can see.

Saudi Arabia, the Gulf states and Iran are pursuing their own interests in Syria. Do you think it is possible that the rivalry between these regional powers and their struggle to influence domestic developments in Syria could nip the tender shoots of democracy in Syria in the bud?

Al-Maleh: One thing is certain: this revolution is now unstoppable. It will continue until the regime has been toppled. The uprising has been going on for over six months now, and the Syrian people decided right at the start that they would not go home until the system was toppled. This system has squandered its legitimacy.

Yes, but what about the major powers in the region? Are they going to allow a democratic order to be established in Syria?

Al-Maleh: Saudi Arabia is trying to weaken the Syrian apparatus of power. Iran has stated quite clearly on a number of occasions that it will support this apparatus until the very end. Iran has even exerted diplomatic pressure on Iraq to get Iraq to align itself with the Assad regime. But this kind of politics cannot work in the long run.

Syrian troops moving into the city of Saqba (photo: AP)
“The army is disintegrating: approximately 40,000 soldiers have already deserted. That is another factor that will bring the regime to its knees,” says Haitham al-Maleh However, I don’t believe that external factors are really all that important for the Syrian revolution; it is the domestic factors that are important. It is above all economic problems that play a role. There is no longer any tourism in Syria. Factories and workshops have come to a standstill; many people have no work, no income. The currency has lost two-thirds of its value; prices have rocketed. The army is disintegrating: approximately 40,000 soldiers have already deserted. That is another factor that will bring the regime to its knees.

Speaking of the army, it is becoming increasingly difficult to determine who is actually fighting whom in Syria. Some people fear that the country could slide into a civil war. What do you think?

Al-Maleh: I don’t think that we are currently on the brink of a civil war. But if the regime doesn’t change its course, if it continues to set the different religious communities against each other, then things might indeed end in civil war. But I don’t yet see that happening.

The divisions do not run strictly along religious lines: although the regime belongs to the Alawite minority, there are people in the Alawite community who do not fully back the regime, because they know that it is corrupt and that those in power brought together the most corrupt people from all areas. Most Alawites have never actually benefitted from the regime.

These people are asking themselves why they should support Assad? Given that this is the case, I don’t believe that there will be civil war in the near future, but it can’t be ruled out.

What is your assessment of the relationship between the peaceful demonstrators and those forces that are armed, above all the Free Syrian Army (FSA)?

Al-Maleh: An army’s most important task is to protect the citizens, not to kill them. Right from the word go, the Syrian revolution has been peaceful. Initially, the soldiers who deserted the army even left their weapons behind them.

Col. Riad al-Asaad (photo: dapd)
“The regime is wobbling”: Col. Riad al-Asaad, leader of the Free Syrian Army, has declared that his organisation will re-launch attacks on the Assad regime at the end of the observer mission Now, they take their weapons with them when they desert. But this doesn’t mean that the uprising is turning violent. The people are also defending themselves, their families, their property. There have indeed been isolated acts of violence, but the revolution will as a whole remain peaceful.

What are you calling on the EU and Germany to do in the current situation?

Al-Maleh: I have been in almost all European foreign ministries, have spoken to ministers, to parliamentarians, to representatives of political parties and people in the media. The demands are as follows: a withdrawal of diplomats from Damascus; the expulsion of Syrian diplomats abroad who could be considered part of the Syrian security apparatus and who are not really diplomats.

I have also presented the Europeans with a list of 200 people who have either committed murder or are responsible for massive human rights violations. To date, a total of 60 high-ranking people have been affected by travel restrictions and the freezing of accounts. The EU has agreed to extend this list.

We want the Syrian regime to be further isolated. In my opinion, Germany has a special role to play in this because of its good relations with the Arab states. This is particularly true of the United Arab Emirates. The ambassador from the Emirates is still in Syria.

What’s more, a considerable proportion of the assets of those criminals who have systematically been robbing the Syrian people is in the Emirates. The other state is Oman. Oman hasn’t recalled its ambassador yet either. I think Germany could exert more pressure here. The rest is our business.

How long do you think Bashar al-Assad’s regime will survive?

Al-Maleh: The regime is wobbling. I think it will only last another few weeks.

Interview conducted by Martina Sabra

© Qantara.de 2012

Translated from the German by Aingeal Flanagan

Editor: Lewis Gropp/Qantara.de

The human rights lawyer Haitham al-Maleh was held in prison from 1980 to 1987 without charge and without any legal proceedings being brought against him because he, as a member of the lawyer’s association, had campaigned for an abolition of the state of emergency that has been in place in Syria since 1963. In 2001, he founded the Human Rights Association in Syria (HRAS), which has 70 members across the country. He was a member of the defence team for the ten political prisoners of the Damascus Spring, the democracy movement that was crushed in 2001. He is now a member of the opposition Syrian National Council (SNC).

Watch also this interesting interview here (in Arabic)

THE SYSTEM full length trailer

[youtube http://youtu.be/CRogIxbrXTo?]

from :

I don’t know any of the participants in this trailer – they all seem to me pretty ordinary people. Yet, it is clear that each of them posses more wisdom than our entire political system.

I guess that the meaning of it is simple. The revolution is here.

“War is when the government tells you who the bad guy is. Revolution is when you decide that for yourself.”

Syria Revolution Song: Will oust your system, Son of the filth!

[youtube http://youtu.be/k6dFrbo-RDg?]

Six Common Misconceptions About Gaza That Are So 2011

Reposted with permission from www.gazagateway.org

In sixth place: “The civilian closure has been lifted and only security restrictions remain”.

Gaza is not as isolated from the rest of the world as it was a few years ago, but it is still cut off from the West Bank and it’s hard to find convincing security reasons why. For example, Israel prohibits students from traveling from Gaza to the West Bank – individual security checks are not even an option because the ban is sweeping. Israel does not allow goods from Gaza to be sold in the West Bank or Israel, while at the same time allowing exports from Gaza to Europe to be transferred through its own airports and seaports. It also imposes restrictions on the import of building materials into the Gaza Strip. The impact is felt mainly by international organizations rather than the local government, which gets all the cement, gravel, and steel it needs from the tunnels. Ongoing restrictions make it difficult for Gaza’s economy to recover, but they also split families apart and impede Gaza residents’ access to higher education and the opportunity to acquire training in a number of highly needed fields.

In fifth place: “Israel gives Gaza money, electricity and water”.

True, Israel does give Gaza residents electricity and water. That is, if by “give” you mean “sells”. Israel also does not “give” money to Gaza’s residents – it does transfer tax monies it collects on their behalf, although sometimes with great delay.

In fourth place: “The Palmer Report concluded that the closure was legal”.

The Palmer Commission decided not to examine the legality of the overall closure of the Gaza Strip and determined only that the naval blockade imposed on Gaza was legal. In its report, the commission included a recommendation for Israel to continue easing restrictions on movement “with a view to lifting its closure and to alleviate the unsustainable humanitarian and economic situation of the civilian population”.

In third place: “Gaza has a border with Egypt, so Egypt should take care of the Strip”.

Six months ago, we posted the top ten reasons why the opening of Rafah Crossing just doesn’t cut it. The list is still valid, but here’s the gist of it: Even if Egypt fully opens Rafah to movement of people and goods, this would still not provide a solution for the problem of movement restrictions between Gaza and the West Bank. The desire to push Gaza onto Egypt and therefore make it possible to cut the Strip off from the West Bank is a common one, but its implementation would entangle Israel legally and politically.

In second place: “Israel disengaged from Gaza and all it got was Qassam rockets”.

Firing Qassam rockets on civilians is an unjustifiable war crime. This much is clear. We should keep in mind that the rockets didn’t start after the disengagement from Gaza and that four and a half years of closure have done nothing to reduce the threat of rockets being fired from Gaza into Israel – but don’t take our word for it. As for disengagement, Israel did remove its permanent military installations and civilian settlements from the Gaza Strip, but did this really end Israeli control over Gaza? Try asking a Palestinian from Gaza if she feels that Israel has really “disengaged” from her life. She wouldn’t think twice before responding in the negative. Israel controls her ability to study in the West Bank, export goods, fish, farm her lands and visit relatives. True, it’s hard to imagine control of a territory without permanent military presence on the ground, but this is exactly Gaza’s unique situation today.

And in first place: “Gaza’s residents voted for Hamas so they had it coming to them”.

Hamas’ victory in parliamentary elections in 2006, shortly after the “disengagement” was met with surprise. Withdrawal from Gaza didn’t bolster those in support of the peace process as many in Israel had expected. Today, more than five years after the elections were held, they are still used as an excuse for the closure.

First of all, it is important to stress that international law prohibits collective punishment of a civilian population and for good reason. Past experience has taught that civilians, irrespective of their political convictions, must remain “off limits”. This principle must be upheld in Gaza, in Israel and in all other places in the world facing conflict.

While we’re on the topic of the elections, and to be accurate, the elections Hamas won were not held just in the Gaza Strip but also in the West Bank and east Jerusalem. It was more than a year after the elections, in June 2007, that Hamas took control of the Gaza Strip.

No elections have been held in Gaza since 2006 and the debate between the various political movements in the Strip has been ongoing. One way of following this debate is through polls, such as those published by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research. For example, a poll from December 2011 shows that if elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council were to be held now, Hamas would get 35% of the vote and Fatah 43%. It’s worth recalling also that over half of Gaza’s population is below voting age. How can children be blamed for the outcome of elections in which they didn’t take part?

Blog at WordPress.com.

Up ↑